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E. K. W< ' 77T ^ ^ n T7KE 












" Lives of great men all remind us, 
We can make our lives sublime j 
And, departing, leave behind us, 
Footprints on the sands of time. 

" Footprints that perhaps another, 
Sailing o'er life's solemn main ; 
Some forlorn and shipwrecked brother, 
Seeing may take heart again." 


By the above lines I do not intend to convey an impres- 
sion that we should look upon any of the lives recorded 
in the following pages as being sublime, but merely that, 
by studying the characters of men of a bygone time, and 
seeing in what manner they met the difficulties and temp- 
tations that come to every one, I think we arc likely our- 
selves to receive much benefit, and our thoughts, when 
absorbed by such study, are likely to turn from the 
trivial trials and annoyances of every-day life into a wider, 
deeper, and perhaps nobler, channel. 

Biographies, if they arc complete and truthful, afford 
much interesting and beneficial food for reflection, and, 
though I have not attempted to give anything like a full 
account of any person in this book, yet I hope and believe 
that the short biographies (if 1 may presume to call them 
such) contained in it will be found to provide matters of 
interest, worthy, perhaps, of a few moments' reflection. 
The annals may seem dry and prosy, but, should the 




reader find them so, I would beg him to forgive me, 
remembering always that it is not an easy task to 
construct amusing or readable matter out of plain facts 
without adding to them by drawing on the imagination, a 
thing I have carefully refrained from doing — truth being 
the great essential to make a biography of any value. 

Some members of the Seymour family have, as we all 
know, become famous in history, and their names fre- 
quently recur in various works, but only in a fragmentary 
manner, scattered here and there throughout the many 
pages of England's history. Such accounts are necessarily 
incomplete (for no individual, however great, is of a 
sufficient importance as to receive more than passing 
mention in the history of a great country), and from 
their brevity are frequently apt to leave upon the reader s 
mind an erroneous or at least inaccurate impression of 
the character of the person thus briefly alluded to. There 
are but few of the Seymours who stand out with any 
great prominence or are of any general interest, but the 
lives of these few are certainly deserving of some fuller 
record than they have hitherto received,* and it has 
seemed to me that, even were such record made, some- 
thing would yet be wanting for the proper understanding 
of their characters — something that would show in what 
relation these greater figures stood to each other, some- 
thing that would complete the links between them and 
perhaps help to explain, to a certain degree, the motives 
that led them to certain actions. This something, I 
fancied, might be supplied by filling in the gaps, by 

* In saying this, I must make an exception of the Protector 
Somerset whose political life has been fully dealt with by Mr. 
A. F. Pollard in his essay " England under Protector Somerset," 
pub. 1 90 1. 



inserting the lesser figures, which, of little interest though 
they may he in themselves, serve to complete the chain. 
And this is what 1 have attempted to do in these annals. 

In this I have been greatly assisted by the discovery 
in my library of a great mass of MS. notes, in the 
handwriting of the i i th Duke of Somerset, who appears 
at one time to have intended writing a complete account 
of the family, a task for which he was especially fitted, 
being much esteemed by Professor Playfair (who often 
sought his advice) for the accuracy and depth of his 
researches into history. Many of these notes were drawn 
from original documents, letters, and papers in his posses- 
sion, as well as from papers in the possession of other 
families. The material to be found relating to the Sey- 
mour family, however, is very considerable, and I have 
not attempted to make use of it all. I have merely 
stated, in as few words as possible, the more interesting 
particulars of what the successive Seymours did, and have- 
not attempted to give an account of the various phases of 
the times in which they lived, or of the political situations 
in which the country stood. Such an account would have 
become a history of England. 

Few people, in these days of ever-increasing hurry and 
competition, have anything but a very superficial know- 
ledge of their family history, and I am in hopes that 
perhaps these pages may serve, not only to pass away a 
few idle hours, but to encourage others to glance back 
into the annals of the past and see if the history of their 
ancestors, full as they will find it of their family's own 
peculiarities of temper and character, will not teach them 
at the least one useful lesson. 1 think that a perusal of 
these particular annals will reveal the fact that a prominent 



feature in the character of the Seymour family has been a 
great, often predominant, pride. Whether this pride 
should be accounted a virtue or a fault in them in the 
past it would be difficult to judge, but I think in many 
cases it has been a pride of the better kind, acting as a 
powerful force to urge them on to do their duty to their 
country, and spurring them to great and noble deeds. In 
some instances it has perhaps acted more in the way of 
a stumbling-block, spoiling careers that otherwise might 
have been brilliant. A great pride is apt to become a 
dangerous possession ; it may degenerate into a mere 
foolish conceit in personal antiquity of rank or station. 
When this happens, and no doubt it happens often and to 
all families, then the purer and nobler objects of life are 
lost sight of, and the family's pride degenerates into a 
vulgar conceit, which soon becomes the object of a well- 
deserved ridicule. 

A man may justly be proud of his particular family, not 
because of its antiquity or for the reason that some mem- 
ber in former times purchased or even won a title, but on 
account of there having been good and upright men in it — - 
men who, regardless of personal loss of favour, popu- 
larity, or property, have throughout done what they 
honestly conceived to be their duty to their Sovereign and 
to their country, who have, if ever so slightly, helped on 
the great cause of Liberty and Progress, and to whom, in 
return, posterity owes some measure of gratitude. A man 
who is proud of his family for this reason only will feel 
the force of former example ; he will feel that to him is 
left the responsibility of upholding the honour of the 
great men who have preceded him ; that it becomes his duty 
to try and climb one rung or two higher on the ladder of 



merit ; that it would bring infamy and dishonour to them 
and to himself if he did not at least retain his position ; 
he will realise that the higher his family has already been 
raised, the greater are the things expected of him, and the 
more necessary is it for him to do them ; he will know, 
and may be proud of the knowledge, that it becomes his 
duty to work harder than other men in utilising to the 
best advantage such gifts of mind as he may be endowed 
with in order to retain the respect and esteem hitherto 
accorded to his name. His pride will act as an incentive, 
ever urging him to just and noble actions, and ever acting 
as a check to prevent him straying from the path of 
integrity and honour. 

Such, I venture to say, is the pride that has belonged to 
many of the Seymours in the past. How, I wonder, will 
it act in the future ? Will it be the means of lulling them 
into a false sense of their own importance, of letting them 
imagine that nothing more is required of them, that the 
deeds of their forefathers have wiped out their debt and 
obligation to their country ; that they need now but rest 
and amuse themselves, secure in the mistaken belief that 
the brightness of their former renown needs no further 
care to keep off the tarnish that, without it, inevitably 
dims the lustre of the brightest object ? Or will it, as 1 
hope, be the means of rousing them again to a noble 
ambition — an ambition to do good ; to become once more 
great for the service of their Sovereign and their country, 
and for the furtherance and security of their religion, of 
which in its troublous infancy they were the mainstay and 
the head ; and to help on the cause of Liberty and Justice 
to which already the family has always been attached, and 
for which some also have suffered ? Who can tell ? 

A 2 

The author wishes to acknowledge his most grateful 
thanks to Mr. A. F. Pollard, whose admirable essay 
" England under Protector Somerset " has been of the 
greatest assistance to him, and to the Lady Gwendolen 
Ramsden and Mr. W. H. Mallock for the " Letters and 
Memoirs of the 1 2th Duke of Somerset " and the 
" Letters of Earl St. Maur and Lord Edward St. Maur," 
which have also been of the greatest use. He wishes also 
to acknowledge his indebtedness to the late Lord Lecon- 
field and to Lady Leconfield, to the Lady Gwendolen 
Ramsden, the Lady Ulrica Thynne, and to Mrs. Alfred 
Seymour and Miss Seymour, of Knoyle, for their kind 
permission to reproduce some of their pictures, several of 
which have never been published before. He also wishes 
to express his obligation to all other authors and others 
who have directly or indirectly assisted him in his work. 


(To face) 



Jane Seymour, Oueen of England Front'npie,. . 


Penhow Castle, Monmouth ... 

I 2 


xi r ..lit) SiM'iTWnir 

oir joiin ocymour ... ... ... ... ... 

1 0 


I ablet to John Seymour in Great Bedwvn Church, 

w 1 its 



Sir John Seymour's I omb in (ireat Bedwvn 

Church. Before the alteration 



on 101111 ocyinour i oniu in vjilji dluw \ n 

Church. Showing alteration recently made 

2 I 


Jane Seymour, wife of Henry VIII, and Oueen of 




tving rlenry vlll 



FCincr Krlu/arrl V I 

1 v 1 1 1 _ J . \ 1 W 41 U 1 1 ... •■* ... ... ••. 



Sir Thomas Seymour, Baron Seymour of Sudeley... 


1 1 . 

Catherine Parr, widow of Hdiry VIII, and wife of 

Lord Seymour of Sudelev... 



Edward Seymour, Earl and Marquis of Hertford, 

and 1st Dulce of Somerset 



Edward VI, King of England 



Berry Pomeroy Castle, South View 



Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford and 1st Duke 

of Somerset 



Anne, Duchess of Somerset, daughter of Sir E. 




Monument in Westminster Abbey, erected to 

Anne, Duchess of Somerset 



Monument in Westminster Abbev, erected to 
Frances, Countess of Hertford, and daughter of 

Lord Howard of Effingham 




(To face) 

19. Frances, daughter of Thomas, Viscount Howard of 

Bindon, 3rd wife of the Earl of Hertford ... 162 

20. Francis, Lord Seymour of Trowbridge 170 

21. Frances, Lady Seymour of Trowbridge, daughter of 

SirW. Prynne 180 

22. Catherine, daughter of Sir R. Lee, 2nd wife of 

Sir Francis Seymour, Baron Seymour of Trow- 
bridge 181 

23. Seymour Chapel, Trowbridge Church, Wilts ... 182 

24. Trowbridge Church, Wilts 183 

25. William Seymour, Earl and Marquis of Hertford, 

and 2nd Duke of Somerset 1 84 

26. Lady Arabella Stuart, Countess of Hertford ... 192 

27. Frances, daughter of Robert, Earl of Essex, Mar- 

chioness of Hertford and Duchess of Somerset... 220 

28. Monument in Great Bedwyn Church to Frances, 

daughter of Robert, Earl of Essex, and wife of 
William, Earl and Marquis of Hertford and 2nd 
Duke of Somerset ... ... ... ... ... 221 

29. William Seymour, 3rd Duke of Somerset 224 

30. John Seymour, 4th Duke of Somerset 225 

31. Sarah, Duchess of Somerset, daughter of Sir E. 

Alston 226 

32. Monument in Salisbury Cathedral to John Sey- 

mour, 4th Duke of Somerset ... 227 

33. Monument in Westminster Abbey to Sarah, 

Duchess of Somerset 227 

34. Charles Seymour, 6th Duke of Somerset 229 

35. Elizabeth Percy, Duchess of Somerset ... ... 232 

36. Charles Seymour, 6th Duke of Somerset 240 

37. Charlotte, daughter of Daniel, Earl of Winchelsea, 

Duchess of Somerset ... 242 

38. Percy Seymour, Lord Beauchamp 244 

39. Algernon Seymour, 7th Duke of Somerset ... 246 

40. Frances, daughter of Henry Thynne, Countess of 

Hertford, and afterwards Duchess of Somerset... 247 

41. Algernon Seymour, 7th Duke of Somerset ... 248 

42. George, Lord Beauchamp , 250 



(To face) 


4 4. Frances Thymic, Duchess of Somerset 251 

44. Berry Pomeroy Castle, East View 260 

45. Sir Edward Seymour's monument in Berry Pomeroy 

Church 268 

46. Berry Pomeroy Castle 274 

47. Henry Seymour 276 

48. Berry Pomeroy Castle 286 

49. Anne, daughter of Sir W. Portman, wife of Sir E. 

Seymour ... ... ... ... ... 291 

50. Sir Edward Seymour, 4th Bart., Speaker of the 

House of Commons ... ... ... ••• 293 

51. Maiden Bradley Church and House, Wilts ... 314 

52. Monument to Sir E. Sevmour in Maiden Bradley 

Church 315 

53. Margaret, daughter of Sir W. Wale, and wife of 

Sir E. Seymour 316 

54. General William Seymour ... ... ... ... 3*7 

55. Elizabeth, daughter of Alex. Popham, Dowager 

Viscountess Hinchin broke, and wife of Francis 

Seymour of Shcrbourne ... 321 

56. Edward Seymour, 8th Duke of Somerset 322 

57. Edward Seymour, 9th Duke of Somerset ... ... 325 

58. Mary Anne, Duchess of Somerset, daughter of 

J. Bonnel, Esq. ... ... ... ... ... 327 

59. Lord Webb Seymour 328 

60. Edward Adolphus Seymour, nth Duke of Somerset 338 

61. Charlotte, daughter of the Duke of Hamilton and 

Brandon, and Duchess of Somerset ... ... Title-page 

62. Margaret, daughter of Sir Michael Shaw Stewart, 

2nd wife of Edward Adolphus, nth Duke of 

Somerset ... ... ... ... ... ... 340 

63. Edward Adolphus Seymour, 12th Duke of Somerset 342 

64. Jane Georgina, Duchess of Somerset, daughter of 

Thomas Sheridan, Esq. ... ... ... ... 343 

65. Jane Georgina, Duchess of Somerset, daughter of 

Thomas Sheridan, Esq. ... ... ... 349 

66. Edward Percy St. Maur 352 

67. Edward Adolphus, 12th Duke of Somerset ... 358 


( To face) 

68. Edward Adolphus Ferdinand, Earl St. Maur ... 360 

69. Edward Percy St. Maur 362 

70. Jane Gcorgina, Duchess of Somerset, daughter of 

Thomas Sheridan, Esq 363 


Page 254, line 5, cm; icferenc. to Sou: So. 
Page 25S, line 15, A>r Note 85 read Note 84. 
Page 258, line 30, yOr Note 86 nra</ Note 85. 
Page 261, line ^ for Note 87 read Note 86. 
Page 263, line 9, /or Note 88 rv.n/ Note 87. 
Page 263, line 27, for Nou 88a read Note 88. 


Josbert de Saint Maui 
who became a priest. 

Wide de Saint N^ ; - X,o6^ d.b. 
the Conqueror to h»S' d " 

William Fitz-Wido St. M«ft «** 

Roger St. Maur, I" 0 ' 

Bartholomew St. M aur ' " 7 °' 

William 'stMaor. ^ esq " ""' 

Milo St. M»« r > 1,1 7 ' 

, de Saint Maur— j— Alner de Berlay 
de Montreuil. 

Gautier de Saint Maur. 

Guillaume de Saint Maur, ] 
•<■ 1 198. 

Goscclin de St. Maur. 
Guillaiime, d.s.p. 

m only d. who married the Seigneur dc Pressigny, 
Tourraine, who took the name of St. Maur. 

Geoffrey St. Maur, lived about 1240— r- d. of William de Rughdon. 


Lawrence St. Maur, — r— Sibilla. 
d. 1196. I 

Eve de Meysi NicholJ St. Maur.-^-Helen, d. of Allan la Zouche. 

..„„. 1 

Thomas St. Maur, 
b. 1308. 

Muriel, d. of James, son— r- Sir Nicholas St. Maur,.'. 'j 6 ' 
ot Richard, Lord Lovel. 

Sir William St. Maur, Knight,—, — 3 ,d j. 0 f William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, 
of Penhow, 1 240. 

Sir Roger St. Maur, d. before 1300 

Roger St. Maur,— j— Joan, d. of — Damarel, of Devon. 


A dauglH 

Sir John St. Maur,*/. i 3 5«- 
Roger St. Maur, *. 1 340. 

irried — Bowlay. 

Cecilia, d. of John Beauchamp, Baron—, — Sir Roger St. Maur. 
of Hache, in Somerset, if 1 . 1393. 

William St. Mi 
<•'. 1390. 

Nicholas St. Maur, J.i.f. 

Richard St. Maur,— ,— I* 

1 li/ahcth, d. of Sir- 
George Darcll, of 
Littlecotc, Wilts. 

John St. Maur, 

. Sir W. le Zouche, Knight. 

-John Seymour, of Wolfhall,- 

ard St. Maur,— j-Ela, J.of Sir Jo 
d. 1401. I St. Loe, Knigl 

Nicholas St. Maur, 
./. unmarried. 

— r-jviargarer, u 
I de Brocl 

t. Maur, — 1 — V 
, d. 1420. j 

abel, d. ot Mark — , — John St. ] 
illiams of Bristol, I h. 1402, m 
d. 1485. j d. 146 

Roger St. Maur,— p- Maud, d. of Sir W. Esturmy. Knight. 
b. 1366, d. 1420. j 

Isabel, d. of Mark— j— John St. Maur (Seyn 
, m. 1424, 

ve may now say), 

John Seymour of Wolfhall.-r-Elizabetli, d. of Sir Robert Coker, 

Lydiard, Somtr 

A d. of Robert Hardon. 

h. 1450, d. 1 49 1 

Roger Seymour. 

Four daughters his co-heirs. 

Humphrey Seymour, 
of Swindon, Wilts. 

-Elizabeth, d. of Thomas Winslov 
of Burton, Oxon. 

The Seymours of Oxford and Gloucester 
descended from these. 

Sir John Seymou 
d. 1536. 

-Margery, d. of Sir H. Wentwortli, George Seymour, Robert Seymour. Sir William Seymour, Margaret Sey 
Knight, of Nettlested, who was Sheriff of Wilt: 

descended from John of Gau 

. Margaret Byconell. 

tit. Sir W. 

Jane Seymour. 
m. Sir J. 

Elizabeth Seymour, Catherine Seymour, 
m. J. Crofts, Esq. d. unmarried. 

Sir John Seymour, 
J. unmarried 1 520. 

-Sir Edward Seymour,- 
created Viscount 
Beaucliamp, Baron 
Seymour, Earl of 
Heitlord, and Cuke of 
Somerset, beheaded 


Anne, d. of Sir Edward 

Sir Henry Seymour, 
m. Barbara, d. of 
Morgan Wolfe, Esq. 
d. 1578. 

Sir Thomas Seymour,- 
created Lord Seymour 
of Sudelcy, beheaded 

-Catherine Parr, w idow of 
King Henry VIII, ./. in 
childbed, 1548. 

Sir John Seymour, 
«■ unmarried, 

One daughter, </. in infancy 

Jam 1 Seymour, -r-Henry VIII, K 
''■"537. oFEndand. 

Elizabeth Seym our, 
m. 1. Sir H. Oughtred, 

*' T^T, y ' Lord Cromwell, 
3- rhe Marquis of Winchester. 

Dorothy Seymour, John Seymour, 
l. Sir Clement Smith. Anthony Seymour, 
Margery Seymour, 
d. young. 

Edward VI, King of England 

Sir Edward Seymour, t, , ~ 

ot Berry Pomeroy „ Umvi Seymour, 
Jane, d of John Waft Es „ ''■ y 0un S- 
'• l 5*M.l 5 M. q '' 


Edward Seymour, 
created Ear) otVrtford, 
m. Lady Catherine 
Gte y> b - '539. * .62.. 

SWEETS yf^> 

Seymour, m. Joan, 

d. of Thomas Percy, u ° ' 2 - hlr 

Earl of Northumberland, Pc y ,ol >- 
b. 1540. 

Elizabeth Seymour, Margaret Seymour, 
>"■ Sir R. Knightley, Jane Seymour, 

■■ '602. Catharine Seymour. 




The origin of every family, of no matter how great im- 
portance, can scarcely be traced without considerable 
difficulty to the time when it first became of sufficient 
greatness to obtain even the slightest mention in such 
few chronicles as were kept in the obscure and stormy 
days of European history preceding the Norman Con- 
quest. Even such writings as remain in old and almost 
undecipherable manuscripts, can hardly be considered as 
affording reliable and trustworthy information. Most of 
them were written by the monks of old who, in the seclusion 
of their monasteries, could only write on hearsay evidence 
of the events passing around them. Such stories as thus 
came to their knowledge had already, we may be sure, 
passed through many repetitions, and were certain to have 
become inaccurate and distorted. One cannot, therefore, 
look upon them without a certain amount of suspicion. 

In endeavouring to discover early traces ot the St. Maur 
family, a further difficulty is encountered in the fact that, 
after William the Conqueror's arrival in England, accom- 
panied, as will presently be seen, by a Seigneur de Saint 
Maur, no mention is made of the family for a consider- 
able time (that is, no mention of their doings, though the 
name is to be met with in deeds and charters of the time), 
not in fact until they once again reach sufficient prominence 
to be noticed by the chroniclers. This has, not unnatu- 



rally, cast a doubt in the minds of historians as to their 
real origin, which the majority do not attempt to trace 
beyond the St. Maurs of Penhow, in Monmouth, whom, 
however, they generally agree to have been without doubt 
of Norman origin, and to have come to this country either 
with, or shortly after, the Conqueror. 

In a history of this kind it is of course necessary to 
start as far back as possible, and it is my intention to 
begin with the first mention of the name. At the same 
time I must caution the reader that I can obtain no 
authentic data earlier than the year iooo, and that although 
I commence at an earlier date, I myself can only look 
upon it as little better than a legend, drawn from unreli- 
able sources. 

There is in France a small but very ancient village 
named " Saint Maur-sur-Loire." It is supposed to have 
been named thus on account of a black hermit, famous 
for his goodness and piety,* who is said to have lived in 
the 7th century, and to have been an Abyssinian prince, 
descended from the royal race of Solomon and (sad to 
relate) the Queen of Sheba, but who had been obliged to 
leave his country during some insurrection in which his 

father and his nearest relatives had been massacred. 
710. In the year 710 this village is said to have been 

in the possession of the family of St. Maur, who 
no doubt must have taken their name from the place, from 
being the most important owners there, for it is beyond 
the bounds of possibility that they can have been the 
issue of the hermit. The head of the family is supposed 

to have been Richard de St. Maur, and he is said 
679. to have been mentioned in a grant to the royal 

Abbey of Villers, founded by Queen Fredegonde. 
In addition to Richard, a Guy de St. Maur is said 

* There undoubtedly was a famous saint called St. Maur, to 
whom churches were dedicated and whose feast days were held, 
but it is doubtful whether there was any connection between the 
hermit and the saint, who, I believe, during his lifetime, was an 



701. to have performed his fealty and homage at the 
same Abbey in 701, and a Ludo de St. Maur is 
919. said to have been mentioned in a list in 919. 

Even legend, however, does not supply us with 
any account or these or their descendants, and it is 
necessary to go on to Goscelin de Ste. Maur or Maure, sur- 
named Peitazinua, probably on account of some voyage, 
pilgrimage, or exploit, that he performed in Aquitaine. 
This Goscelin de Ste. Maur is mentioned : — 

1000. 1 . In a charter of Foulque Martel, Comte d'Anjou, 
in the year 1000. 
2. In the foundation of the Abbey of Beaulieu, 
with Suhard de Craon, and other gentlemen. 

He is always styled " Castri Sanctae Maura! dei gratia 
jure hereditario possessor et dominus." Pope Gregory 
VII wrote him a letter (the 22nd in the second volume 
of his letters) which is reproduced in " l'Histoire de 
Sable," p. 254. 

1009. Goscelin de Ste. Maur married Aremburge in the 
year 1009, and by her had four sons, viz., Josbert, 
Guillaume, Hugues, Goscelin. Of these the latter had a 
son Guillaume who died s.p., and Hugues married Alner 
de Berlay de Montreuil by whom he had several children, 
only one of whom, Hugues (1087 to 1105), however, 
left any issue. This was a son Gautier, whose son 
Guillaume left an only daughter who married the Seigneur 
de Pressigny in Tourraine, who took the name of the 
heiress and founded the second house of Ste. Maur.* 
The above Guillaume is mentioned in 1198 as being in 

Of Goscelin's two elder sons one appears to have been 
a priest. This must have been Josbert, for the second son 

* For the above statements, see La Chenave des Bois. It does 
not, however, mention where Goscelin de Ste. Maur came from, 
but mentions the walls of Stc.-Maur, near which was the priory 
of Mesmin. 

t See The Norman People. 

I 2 



Guillaume seems to have had a son Wido de Ste. 
1066. Maur who came to England during the Norman 

invasion. It is of course impossible to show any 
proof as to who did or did not actually accompany the 
Conqueror, as there is no list of names in which the 
least reliance can be placed. In an account of the Battle 
Abbey Roll (the inaccuracy of which is, I believe, gener- 
ally admitted) in Fullers Church History by Brewer, 
where the lists in Holinshed and Stow's Chronicle are 
compared, the name appears in both. In Holinshed, 
p. 5, as Sent More and in Stow, p. 107, as Seint More. 
The difference in spelling has probably caused the name 
to be overlooked, but I feel confident that it is intended 
for Saint Maur. This name indeed has undergone very 
many changes of spelling and even pronunciation. In 
Latin deeds it generally became de Sancto Mauro, but we 
also find Saynt-Mor, Sayn-Maur, Seyne-More, Senne- 
Maur, Seyne-Maure, Semor, Semore, Seimour, and 
finally Seymour. Even in Queen Elizabeth's time I 
have found it spelt Seymaur, and in Queen Anne's reign 
Seimour, whilst in these days of education I frequently 
receive letters addressed Saint Mor, St. Mor, St. More, 
and even St. Muyre. 

Wido de St. Maur, as we have seen, came over to 

England in 1066. He died before 1086, leaving 
1086. a son William Fitz-Wido who held a barony in 

Somerset, Wilts, and Gloucester, and ten manors 
in Somerset.* Most of this property he no doubt in- 
herited from his father, who must have received them from 
the Conqueror, as there is no mention of either marrying 
an heiress. We may therefore conclude that Wido must 
have rendered some service to the Conqueror to merit 
such a reward. 

During the period immediately following the Conquest, 
when the country was still far from being settled down, 
very few records appear to have been kept or, if they 

* See The Norman People. 



were, they have for the most part been lost. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that we should find but little mention 
of a private family. There appears, however, to 
noo. have been a Roger de St. Maur living in the 
year noo,* a son, apparently, of William Fitz- 
Wido, and in 1 129 he appears as a witness to a charter of 
Richard de Cormeil to the Priory of Monmouth. f 
1 1 29. This deed has no date, but it must have been 
signedjin that year, for Baderon, Lord of Monmouth, 
and Rohesia his wife, who were married in 1128, also 
signed it as witnesses, and it was made prior to the death 
of Prior Godfrey which occurred in iijo.f This Roger 
had therefore some connection with the county of Mon- 
mouth, and it may not be unreasonable to suppose that he 
had settled at Penhow, for we find the family owning that 
place not many years after. He is stated to have been 
the founder or two families, but there is some confusion 
in tracing them.* An Almericus de Sancto Mauro is 
mentioned as being master of the order of Knights 
Templars,* and also a Bartholemew de Sancto 
1 1 70. Mauro who witnessed a charter of William, Earl 
of Gloucester, to Keynsham Abbey about 1 1 70. f 
This Bartholemew seems without doubt to have been a 
son of Roger, and father of William de Sancto Mauro, 
one of the King's esquires in 11 75. J This 
12 1 7. William apparently had a son, Milo, for in 121 7 
we find a Milo de St. Maur who is stated to have 
been without doubt a direct descendant of Roger.) But 
little is known about him, except that he took part with 
the rebellious Barons against King John, on the occasion 
when the latter was forced to sign the Magna Charta, and 
that he left two sons, Geffrey and William. II 

* Complete Peerage, bv Rev. A. Jacob, 1766. 
t Notes on Penhow Castle, by O. Morgan and J. Wakeman, 

} Notes on Penhow Castle (Pipe Roll, 21 Henry II). 

§ Dugdale's Baronage ; also Complete Peerage (Jacob). 

|| Dugdale's Baronage ; also Complete Peerage (Jacob). (Among 



In the Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine, vol. xv, 
p. 142, we see Mr. J. R. Planche (Brit. Archaeol. Journ., 
1856, p. 325) says : " There are two families of St. Maur. 
The St. Maurs or Seymours of Kingston Seymour, in 
Somersetshire, who trace their pedigree to Milo de Sancto 
Mauro, who with his wife Agnes, is named in a fine roll 
of King John ; and the St. Maurs or Seymours of Pen- 
how, Monmouthshire, from which the present ducal house 
of Somerset descends. All our genealogists, from Dug- 
dale downwards, are scrupulous in observing that there is 
no connection whatever between the two families, who 
bore different arms and settled in different counties, and 
I freely admit there is no connection to be traced 
between them from the earliest date to which they have 
proved their pedigree ; but that fact by no means satisfies 
me that they did not branch from the same Norman stock. 
We have no proof that there were two St. Maurs who came 
over with the Conqueror (probably from St. Maure-sur- 
Loire in la Haute Touraine), nor can we assert that if 
there were two or more they were not, as in many similar 
instances, near kinsmen .... That their arms 
should be different is no proof at all, for, although a simi- 
larity in their bearings would be strong evidence in favour 
of some connection, it is one of the most common things 
in the world to find, in those early days of heraldry, the 
son bearing a coat quite distinct from that of his father, 
as he frequently did a perfectly different name." The 
St. Maurs of Kingston bore Argent, two chevrons gules, 
a label of five points. The St. Maurs of Penhow, Gules, 
a pair of wings conjoined in lure, or. 

It would appear, therefore, according to Dugdale and 
others, that the two families were entirely distinct, but I 
am more inclined to agree with Mr. Planche's reasoning 
and even to go further and assert that, as far as probabili- 
ties can be made to take the place of evidence, these 
probabilities all tend to show that the two families were 

the signatures we find an Aymer de Sancto Mauro, Master of 
the Temple— Cott. MS., Aug. 11, 106.) 



connected, though, for some reason or other, they were 
neither of them inclined to acknowledge the fact. To begin 
with, we must notice that the St. Maur family obtained 
lands in Wilts and Somerset through Wido de St. Maur. 
Afterwards, Roger de St. Maur obtained additional lands 
in Monmouth. Milo de St. Maur undoubtedly held 
these lands in Monmouth as well as those in Wilts and 
Somerset yet, immediately after him, we are told that the 
St. Maurs holding the Monmouthshire property and the 
St. Maurs holding the Somerset and Wilts property are 
separate families, having absolutely no connection. And 
yet Milo left two sons ! There is, however, no record of 
whom he married, and it is possible that the sons were by 
different wives, or even that one of them may have been 
a natural son, which might account for their disclaiming 
each other. It would be futile to enter into any long 
argument either for or against the descent of the Sey- 
mour family from Milo de St. Maur in the absence of 
any proofs which could prove or disprove it. The reader 
must draw his own conclusions from the slender materials 
here produced, always remembering that Dugdale is by 
no means an authority to be absolutely relied on, and that 
many later genealogists have merely copied what he 

Of Milo's sons the elder, Geffrey, married a daughter 
of William de Rughdon,f but beyond this there appears 
to be no mention of him, except that he was succeeded by 

a son, Laurence de St. Maur, who, in 1274, ob- 
1274. tuned from King Edward I a grant for a market, 

to be held at his Manor of Rode, in Somerset, 
upon the Thursday in every week, and also to hold a fair 

* At the same time it must be remembered that Roger de St. 
Maur is stated as being the founder of two families, only one of 
which can be traced, and that not in a very satisfactory manner. 
It is possible, but hardly probable, that the St. Maurs of Penhow 
came from the other, but even then the connection would only be 
rendered more distant. 

t Dugdale. 



there every year upon the eve, day, and morrow of St. 

Margaret, the Virgin.* In 1282 we find him 
1282. acknowledging the service of half a knight's fee 

for his own inheritance in Wilts, and one-third of 
a knight's fee for the inheritance of Sibilla, his wife, in the 
county of Northumberland.f In August of the same 

year he led an expedition against the Welsh. In 
1295. 1295 he was exempted from the general summons 

of persons holding land by military tenure, for 
1297. the King's expedition to Gascony (June 14). f 

In July, 1297, he was summoned to perform 
military service beyond the seas.f This summons can 
only have arrived after his death which had taken place 
the previous winter. He left one son, Nicholas.* 

Nicholas de St. Maur did his homage, and had livery of 
his father's lands. He also had been summoned in July, 

1297, for military service abroad, and appears to have 
attended the summons, and gone furnished with horses 

and arms.f In 1298 he was summoned to per- 

1298. form military service against the Scots, by a letter 
dated May 25, and in June, 1300, he was again 

1300. summoned for a similar purpose, f In 1306 he 
again served there in the retinue of Henry of 
Lancaster, the younger son of Edward Crouchback, Earl 
of Lancaster. In 1 3 1 3 he obtained a pardon, as 
1 3 13. an adherent of the Earl of Lancaster, for having 
participated in the death of Gaveston, and in the 
same year was summoned to Parliament as representative 
of Gloucester. f In the following years, 13 14, 
131 4- 17. 131 6, 131 7, he was summoned to perform 
military service against the Scots.f In 1316 he 
was certified as Lord or joint Lord of the following 
hundreds and townships : — North-Molton in Devon, 
Hampton-Maysi in Gloucester, Yonkill and Weston in 
Hereford, Woolverton and La Road in Somerset, Eton- 

* Dugdale. 

t Parliamentary writs and writs of military summons, Public 
Record Office. 



Maysi, Poulton, and Witham in Wilts.* His first wife 
had been Eve de Meysi, who had brought him consider- 
able property, but had not lived long. (Note i.) His 
second wife was Helen, the eldest of the three daughters 
and coheirs of Alan la Zouche of Ashby, in Leicester. 
By this marriage he gained considerable importance as well 
as more property. (Note 2.) He died in 1317, leaving 
a son, Thomas. His wife, Helen, survived him, and 

married Alan de Cherleton.| 
131 7. Thomas de St. Maur was only 9 years of age 

at the time of his fathers death. He became, in 
consequence, a ward at the disposal of the Sovereign, 
Edward II, who almost immediately granted letters patent 
to Hugh le Despencer, the elder, giving him the ward- 
ship of the Manors of Hampton-Maysi, in Gloucester, 
and Eton-Maysi, in Wilts, which the late Nicholas had 
held, as part payment of certain debts which were owed 
him by the King. J (Note 3.) This wardship was to be 
held during the minority of Thomas, who does not, how- 
ever, appear to have lived many years after coming of 
age. Little further can be found about him, except that 
he founded the Priory of Dulton, in Wilts, annexing it, 
as a cell, to the Priory of Semplingham, in Lincoln. t The 
successor to the estates was Sir Nicholas de St. Maur, 
Knight, who served in the wars in France in the retinue 

of Maurice de Berkeley in 1348, and again in the 
1348. retinue of Thomas de Holland in 1360. He 

was summoned to Parliament from 1352 to 
1352-61. 1361.1 He married Muriel, the daughter and 
heiress of James, the son and heir of Richard, 
Lord Lovel, by whom he had two sons, Nicholas and 
Richard, the former of whom died young.f 

Richard de St. Maur inherited all his father's estates, 

* Parliamentary writs and writs of military summons, Public 
Record Office. 

t Dugdale, also Complete Peerage (Jacob). 

X Public Record Office, Pat. Rolf, 10 Edward II, part 2, 
mem. 6, 28. 



which appear to have been considerable. (Note 4.) In 
1387 he served in the wars in France, in the 
1387. retinue of Richard, Earl of Arundel, Admiral of 
England. He was also summoned to Parliament 
1 3 8 1 . from 1 3 8 1 to 1 40 1 .* He married Ela, the daughter 
and coheir of Sir John St. Loe, Knight, and died 
May 15, 1 40 1, leaving three sons, Richard, John, and 
Nicholas, of whom both the latter died without issue.* 
By her testament, dated 1409, Ela bequeathed her body 
to be buried in the new chapel of Staverdale Priory, next 
to her husband's grave. She left her son Nicholas twenty 
pounds, her son John a set of beads of coral, garnished 
with gold, and made him her heir male, whilst Alice, her 
grand-daughter, was made her heir female.* 

Richard de St. Maur served in Ireland under Thomas, 
Duke of Surrey, the Lieutenant of that realm, in 
1399. 1399, and afterwards in France, in 1402. He 
was summoned to Parliament from 1402 to 1407, 
and died the following year, leaving no male issue. His 
wife, Mary, received at his death a considerable 
1408. dowry, and his daughter, Alice, inherited the re- 
mainder of his property. This daughter was born 
either just before or just after his death in the house of 
Thomas Cressy, citizen and mercer of London, in the 
parish of St. Laurence, in Cripplegate Ward, and was 
baptised in the church of St. Laurence. She married Sir 
William le Zouche, Knight, of Totnes, who performed 
fealty, and had livery of her lands.* 

Thus the elder of the two families started by Milo de 
St. Maur came to an end in an only daughter. We will 
therefore now go back to his second son, William, for 
from him apparently are descended the St. Maurs or 
Seymours of the present day. Sir William de St. Maur, 
Knight, was expressly called " of Penhow,"f which was 
one of the border castles in Monmouth erected against the 

* Dugdale and Rev. A. Jacob, 
t Notes on Penhow Castle. 


Welsh, and which, as has been already noticed, had formed 
part of the possessions of the family for some time. 
These possessions Sir William evidently determined to 

increase, for, in 1235-6, he entered into an agree- 
1235. ment with Gilbert Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, to 

wrest the Manor of Woundy or Undy (as it was 
called later) from a Welshman, Morgan ap Howell, Lord 
of Caerleon,* an attempt which appears to have been suc- 
cessfully carried out, the manor being subsequently divided 
between the Earl and Sir William. An old Latin record, 
which is transcribed in Vincent's manuscript baronage in 
the College of Arms, No. 20, says : " Gilbertus Mare- 
scallus, comes Pembrochix tenetur praebere domino Willo 
de S. Mauro consilium in quantum poterit, secundum 
leges Anglian, ad perquirendum manerium de Woundy, 
de Morgano filio Hueli, tali conditione quod si prxd ; 
Willus dictus menerium perquirere poterit, dictus Gil- 
bertus habcbit medietatem dicti manerii, et aliam medie- 
tatem faciat extendi dicto Willo, per probos et legales 
homines ad hoc ex utraque parte electos ita quod pro 
qualibet summa 20 L. redditus dictus Gilbertus dabit 
Willo de S. Mauro decern libras. Et quod idem Willus 
de S. Mauro teneat medietatem dicti manerii in manu 
sua, donee inde plenam solutionem, sicut prxscriptum est, 
receperit. Et si forte contigerit, quod idem Willus de 
consilio dicti Gilberti defecrit, dictus Willus de S. Mauro 
remaneat solutus et quietus de obligatione, quam dictus 
Gilbertus fecit super dictum manerium de Woundy." 

Sir William de St. Maur thus became possessed of the 
Manor of Undy in addition to that of Penhow.f The 
latter place he made his residence, and soon transformed 
it into a larger and more important castle, surrounded by 
a large park, both of which he named St. Maur.J He 
also dedicated the church there to St. Maur, the patron 

* Notes on Penhow Castle. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog., and J. R. Planche, Journ. Arch;eolog. 
Assocn., 13, 327-8. 

X Complete Peerage (Jacob). 



saint of the family,* who seems to have been of some 
importance in ancient days, for even now churches are to 
be found abroad that were dedicated to him. Camden, 
in his chronicles of events in Ireland, 1361, also mentions 
him : " On the feast of St. Maur the Abbot, there 
happened a violent wind, that shook or blew down the 
pinnacles, chimneys, and such other buildings as over- 
topped the rest ; trees without number and several 
steeples ; particularly the steeple of the Friar's Preacher's." 
(Note 5.) 

Sir William's signature appears as witness to two 
charters of Gilbert Marshall, and to three of Walter 

Marshall, two being undated, and the third bear- 
1245. m g tne date I2 4S-t He married the 3rd daughter 

of William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, but 
nothing more is to be found about him except that his 
son, Roger, is mentioned as succeeding him. 

Sir Roger de St. Maur inherited his father's possessions 

at Undy and Penhow. He is mentioned as Lord 
1269. of the Manor of the former in 1269. He died 

before 1300, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
Roger.J (Note 6.) 

It is at this period that we first find mention made of 
the arms of the St. Maur family which, from a seal 
appendant to a grant of messuage to Thomas Elliot, of 
the chapel of Undy, surrounded by this inscription : 
" Sigill, Rogerii de Seimour," appear to have consisted 
of two angel's wings, joined, tips downward. In an 
MS. of Percy Enderby, which was in the possession 
of S. R. Bosanquet, Esq., in 1867, he records that in the 
" South windows at Penhow there were in the centre the 
arms of Seymour, Gules, 2 wings conjoined, or." In his 
History of Modern Wiltshire, vol. i, p. 115, Sir Richard 
Colt Hoare says : " Percy Enderby, in his book entitled 

* Complete Peerage (Jacob), 
t Notes on Penhow Castle. 

X Augustine Vincent's Manuscript Baronage, 161 3. 



Cambria Triumphans, informs us, that the arms, now 
borne by Seymour (viz. : a pair of wings) were, in his 
time, visible in the church at Penhow ; both cut in stone 
and in painted glass ; and I have been informed by a 
friend of mine, who lately visited Penhow at my request, 
that he perceived the wings on two old windows, belong- 
ing to a tenant at that place, and which being rather 
singular as to their application and situation, I think 
worthy of remark."* 

Of Roger de St. Maur but little is known, except 
1 3 14. that he lived in the year 13 14, and married Joan, 

daughter of Damarel, of Devonshire,! by 

whom he had two sons, Sir John St. Maur and Sir Roger 

St. Maur, the former of whom died about 1358, 
1358. leaving a son, Roger, born in 1340, who in turn 

left an only daughter who married into the family 
of Bowlays, near Penhow, and apparently brought her 
inheritance of Penhow Castle into that family. J 

Sir Roger St. Maur, or Seymour as we may now call 
him, became Lord of the Manor of Woundy in succession 
to his father. He does not, however, appear to have 
spent much of his time there, preferring to reside at 
Evinswinden, in Wilts. § He married Cecilia, daughter 
of John de Beauchamp, Baron of Hache, in Somerset.^ 

Camden says : " From William de St. Maur, knight, 
who first settled at Woundy, descended Roger de St. 
Maur, knight, who married one of the heiresses of the 
illustrious John Beauchamp (this John Beauchamp of 
Hache married Cecilia, daughter of Beauchamp, Earl of 
Warwick, as may be seen in Sir William Dugdale's An- 
tiquities of Warwickshire), the noble Baron de Hache, 
who was descended from Sybill, one of the coheiresses of 
that most puissant William Marshall (so called from his 

* A drawing of one of these windows may be seen in Sir R. 
Colt Hoare's History of Modern Wiltshire. 

t Vincent's MS. Baronage ; also Complete Peerage (Jacob). 
X Diet. Nat. Biog. 

§ Vincent's MS. Baronage j also Complete Peerage (Jacob). 


office), Earl of Pembroke ; and from William Ferrers, 
Earl of Derby ; Hugh de Vivon ; and William Malet, 
men of eminent worth in their times. The nobility of all 
which, as also of several others, have (as may be made 
evident), concentred in the Right Honourable Edward de 
St. Maur or Seymour, now Earl of Hertford, a singular 
encourager of virtue and learning ; for which qualifica- 
tion he is deservedly famous." 

In his description of the county of Somerset, Camden 
again says : " The Beauchamps, otherwise de Bellocampo, 
have flourished in great honour from the time of Henry II, 
especially since Cecilia de Fortibus, descended from the 
Earls of Ferrariis, and from the famous Marshall of 
England, William, Earl of Pembroke, was married into 
this family. But in the reign of Edward III, the estate 
was divided by sisters, between Roger de Sancto Mauro 
and John Meriel, both of them sprung from ancient and 
honourable ancestors. This is the cause why Henry VIII, 
after he had married Jane Seymour, Edward VPs mother, 
made Edward Seymour, her brother, Viscount Beau- 

This marriage not only greatly advanced the importance 
of the Seymour family, but brought them a considerable 
increase in wealth for, as we have seen, the Lady Cecilia 

was one of two sisters, the last of the Beauchamp 
1363. family, and, in 1363, the entire possessions of that 

family were divided between them.* (Note 7.) 
She died in 1393, having survived her husband, by 
whom she had five sons, the eldest of whom, William, 
being the only one about whom any information is to be 

This Sir William Seymour, knight, resided for the 
most part at Undy. (Note 8.) He is mentioned, in 
1362, as attending the Prince of Wales to his govern- 
ment of Gascony, after first obtaining the King's letter 
of protection, dated from Bamberg on February 8 of that 

* Camden. 



year. He married Margaret, daughter of Simon de 
Brockburn, and died in 1390, leaving a son, Roger, born 

in 1366.* (Note 9.) 
1393. Within three years of the death of his father, 

Roger Seymour inherited all the possessions of his 
grandmother, Cecilia, in addition to the property already 
received from his father. He was at this time 27 years 
of age.* He married Maud, daughter and coheir to 

Sir William Esturmy, knight, of Wolfhall in 
1420. Wilts,t and died in 1420, leaving a son, John, 

born in 1402. Camden says : " The Esturmies 
had been bailiffs and guardians of the forest of Savernakc, 
by right of inheritance, from the time of Henry III. 
The Earl of Hertford, descended from this Roger, 
had in his possession their hunter's horn of a mighty 
bigness and tipped with silver. The Esturmies are 
famous for being the founders and patrons of the hos- 
pital of the Holy Trinity at Easton, near Marlborough, 
in Wilts." 

John Seymour inherited all his father's possessions, 
which had been so greatly encreased by his marriage, at 
the age of 18. Being also heir to his cousin, Sir Peter 

de la Mere, knight, he became of still greater 
1 43 1. importance. In 1431 he served as Sheriff of the 

county of Southampton, and in the following year 
of Wiltshire. Soon after this he was made a knight, and 
appears to have become one of the most important of the 
gendemen of Wilts ; for, in the list of names of the 

gentlemen of that county returned by the Com- 
1434. missioners in 1434, his name appears first, after 

those of the elder knights and William Westbury, 
Justiciarus. He also served as Sheriff of Gloucester and 

Somerset, and again of Southampton in 1437. 
1437. In 1 45 1 he served in Parliament as one of the 

knights for the county of Wilts, this Parliament 

* Vincent's MS. Baronage ; Complete Peerage (Jacob) ; 
Edmundson's Peerage ; Camden, 
t History of Modern Wiltshire. 



being one held at Reading.* His wife was Isabel, 
daughter of Mark Williams, of Bristol, by whom he had 
a son, John.f 

Isabel Seymour, who had been married in 1424, sur- 
vived her husband for many years, dying April 14, 
1463. 14854 Two years after her husband's death, in 
1463, she took the vow of perpetual chastity in the 
collegiate church of Westbury, inter missar solempnia, in the 
presence of Bishop Carpenter, who gave her his benedic- 
tion and put upon her the vidual vesture, June 3, 1465.$ 
She was possessed in fee of divers messuages, cottages, 
and gardens, in the town and suburbs of Bristol ; and 
held in dower, or by joint feofFment with her late husband 
Sir John Seymour, various lands in the counties of 
Southampton, Wilts, Hereford, and Somerset. Her heir 
was found to be her grandson, John Seymour of Wolf- 
hall, in Wilts, who at the time of her death was 34 years 
of age. His father and mother had both predeceased his 

John Seymour, described as of Wolfhall (the Ulfela 
of the Saxons), in Wilts, served as Sheriff for that county 
in 1458. He married Elisabeth, daughter of Sir Robert 
Coker of Laurence Lydiard, in Somerset, and died in 
1463, a month or two before his father, leaving two sons, 
John and Humphrey, the latter of whom settled at 
Evinswinden,^f and married the daughter and coheiress 
of Thomas Winslow of Burton, Oxon. The Seymours 
of Oxford and Gloucester were directly descended from 
him. Elisabeth Seymour died 1472.** 

The elder brother, John Seymour of Wolfhall, was 
born in 1450. He was, therefore, barely 14 years of age 

* Vincent's MS. Baronage ; Camden ; Complete Peerage 
(Jacob), &c. 

t Close Roll, 23 Henry VI (endorsement). 
t Genealogist. 

§ Bishop Carpenter's Register at Worcester, vol. i, fol. 192. 
|| Genealogist, vol. xii, N.S., p. 74. 
f The old name for Swindon. 

** Vincent's MS. Baronage ; Complete Peerage (Jacob), Sec. 



when his father and grandfather died. He was twice 
married, first to Elizabeth, daughter of Sir George Darell, 
of Littlecote in Wilts, by Margaret, daughter of John, 
Lord Stourton ; secondly to a daughter of Robert 

Hardon, by whom he had one son, Roger, who in 
1 49 1. turn left four daughters, his coheirs. The death 

of John Seymour occurred in 149 1.* By his first 
wife, Elizabeth, he left numerous issue : 

Sir John Seymour, of whom we will speak next. 
George Seymour, who was Sheriff of Wilts in 1499. 
Robert Seymour. 

Sir William Seymour, who was made a Knight of the 
Bath at the marriage of Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
November, 1501.! 

Margaret Seymour, who married Sir William Wad- 
ham, knight. 

Jane Seymour, who married Sir John Huddlcstone, 

of Warleston, in Cumberland. 
Elizabeth Seymour, who married John Crofts, Esq. 
Catherine Seymour, who died unmarried. 

* Genealogist, 
t Hume, 3, 41 1. 





Sir John Seymour inherited most of the family posses- 
sions. He was born about the year 1474*, and 

1492. succeeded his father in 1492.! In 1497 he 
attended the King at the battle of Blackheath, in 

Kent, against the Cornish rebels under the command of 
Lord Audley. On this occasion he was only 

1497. acting as a volunteer, but he displayed such marks 
of a great military genius, that the King's attention 

was drawn to him, and he received the honour of knight- 
hood in the field. J In 1508 he was made Sheriff 

1508. of Wiltshire.f Five years later he made a cam- 
paign in France and Flanders, and was present 

1 5 13. at the sieges of Terounne and Tournay.f At the 
latter place he succeeded in performing such signal 

services that the King, who was present, conferred upon 

him the honour of Knight Banneret. He was also present 

at the action of Guinegaste, otherwise called the Battle of 

the Spurs, on account of the precipitate retreat of the 


After his return to England he served at different times 
as Sheriff of Dorset, Somerset, and Wilts, and appears to 
have been held in great favour at Court, for he was ap- 
pointed one of the knights of the body to the King. In 

1 5 1 7 he obtained for himself and his eldest living 
1 517. son, Edward, the constablewic of Bristol Castle, 

with power to enjoy the same in as ample a manner 

* The Dictionary of National Biography mentions 1476 as 
the probable year of his death, but the accompanying portrait was 
taken in the 62nd year of his age, so that as he died in 1536 he 
cannot have been born later than 1474. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Collins' Peerage, 1, 149. 

X Collins' Peerage. 



as Giles, Lord d'Aubeny, had done.* In 1520 he was 

nominated one of those who attended the grand 
1520. interviews, held between Guisnes and Ardres, 

between King Henry VIII and James, King ot 
France. On this occasion he had in his retinue one chap- 
lain, 1 1 servants, and 8 led horses.f 

In 1522, by command of the King, he joined the Royal 

retinue at Canterbury, where Henry was to meet 
1522. Charles V upon the latter's arrival in England. 

Shortly after this he was appointed one of the 
Commissioners to the county of Wilts to inquire into the 

possessions of Cardinal Wolsey. In 1532 he 
1532. attended the King to Boulogne upon his second 

interview with the King of France, J and acted on 
this occasion in the capacity of groom of the bedchamber. 

There is not much further information to be gathered 
as to events of Sir John Seymour's life. We find, indeed, 
that he was named in a Commission of the Peace for 
Wiltshire in the 24th year of Henry VIII, and among 
the grants for the same county in March, 1531, and 
February, 1532,$ but there is little else. After having 
made his mark as a soldier in his younger days, he ap- 
pears to have been satisfied with the favour and con- 
fidence shown him by the King and to have devoted a 
considerable portion of his time to attendance on the 
King's person; indeed, in 1535 he had the honour of 
receiving a visit from the King at his country seat of 
Wolfhall (September 10), where he entertained the Royal 
party for several days. II 

His character must have been such as to render him 
both liked and respected by all parties at the Court, or he 
could never have avoided being mixed up in some of the 

* Brewer, State Papers, July 15, No. 3474; September 20, 
No. 4446. 

t Complete Peerage (Tacob) and Guthrie's Peerage. 
% Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Collins* Peerage, I, 149. 
§ Gairdner, Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, vol. v. 
A Diet. Nat. Biog. 

C 2 




many intrigues of the time ; yet it appears that he had 
one enemy for certain, for, in a letter of his to Cromwell, 
we read: "As everybody has furnished you with venison, 
I send you a winter tegge of my own killing. I trust 
you will remember me against my enemy, Essex,* who 
works me all the ill in his little power."f 

It is possible that history might have had more to tell 
us about Sir John Seymour if it were not that his career, 
busy as his life had been, sinks into insignificance beside 
those of his children, whose names were so soon to fill all 
England. He is in fact best known to us as being the 
father of a Queen, of a Protector of the Realm, and grand- 
father of a King. 

He married Margery, daughter of Sir Henry Went- 
worth, of Nettlested, in Suffolk, a Knight of the Bath 
and ancestor of the Earls of Cleveland. Her grandfather, 
Sir Philip Wentworth, had married Mary, daughter of 
John, seventh Lord Clifford, whose mother, Elisabeth, was 
daughter of Henry Percy (Hotspur) and great great grand- 
daughter of Edward III. J He died December 21, 
1536. 1536, and was buried in the chapel at Easton 
Priory, whence his remains were removed in 1590 
by his grandson Edward, Earl of Hertford, to the church 
at Great Bedwyn, in Wilts, where most of the Seymours 
have been interred. Here a great monument was erected 
to him, with a long inscription, which consisted chiefly of 
an account of his many children. The accompanying 
pictures show this monument before, and after, it was 
defaced in order to allow two fresh windows to be opened 
in the church. (Note 10.) 

Sir John had six sons and four daughters, viz. : — 

Sir John Seymour, knight, who died July 15, 1520, 

* Probably Sir William Essex. 

t Gairdner, Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, vol. v, 153 1-2. 
X Notes and Queries, 1 ser. viii, 51-2 ; Harl. MS. 6177. 
§ Diet. Nat. Biog. 

snnuoiw hnintttrt ot m of mr oourtrtrw of r iirp - 
tSnifeuoitn tmriijiituM MM v pj.ftas of nun tiirun of o loio tfi 
^fSM mm Wnlni iwuriip t ot :gti citairtr fan a ofttn nofTt e auc 


To»*a of S>r Ju«N StYHoo*., Km T 
'X ^K! t / ,r Pre*''"' CmViqc* . 

1/1 M< <»rrf«r 4««r» i% Am ACT. 


Before tin alteration From an old pun:. 


Skewing the alterations recently made. 


Sir Edward Seymour, who succeeded him and after- 
wards became Duke of Somerset. We will speak of 
him later. 

Sir Henry Seymour, knight, who married Barbara, 
daughter of Morgan Wolfe, Esq., by whom he had 
three sons, of whom there is no issue remaining. 
He took no part in politics, but was made a Knight 
of the Bath, February 27, 1547, together with his 
elder brother, then Earl of Hertford, and many 
others, on the occasion of the Coronation of Edward 
VI. In 1 55 1, the King, in whose service he was, 
rewarded him for his zeal by giving him some large 
grants of land, and in the following year enriched 
him still further. On his mother's death, in 1550, 
he found himself her sole executor. He died in 
1578, leaving (in addition to the sons already men- 
tioned) seven daughters, from one of whom, Jane, 
are descended the Barons Rodney.* 

Sir Thomas Seymour, afterwards Baron Seymour or 
Sudley and High Admiral of England. We will 
speak of him later. 

John Seymour and Anthony Seymour, both died young, 
leaving no issue.* 

Jane Seymour, who became wife of Henry VIII and 
Queen of England, and of whom we will speak 

Elizabeth Seymour, who married three times : first, 
Sir Henry Oughtred ; then Gregory, Eord Crom- 
well ; and finally John Pawlet, second Marquis of 
Margery Seymour, who died in childhood.* 
Dorothy Seymour, who married Sir Clement Smith, 
knight, of Little Baddaw, in Essex ; the father of 
Sir John Smith, knight, Ambassador to Spain. f 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Inscription in Great Bcdwyn Church, printed in Aubrey, 
P- 375-6- 



[The Norman People ; La Chenaye des Bois ; Public Records ; 
Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine ; British Museum MSS. ; 
Cotton MS. ; Harleian MS. ; Dictionary National Biogra- 
phy ; Gairdner's Letters and Papers ; Notes and Queries ; 
Brewer, State Papers ; A Complete Peerage, Rev. A.Jacob ; 
Vincent's MS. Baronage ; The Genealogist ; Camden ; 
Bishop Carpenter's Register ; Edmondson's Peerage ; Col- 
lins' Peerage ; Dugdale's Baronage ; History Modern 
Wiltshire, Sir R. Colt Hoare ; J. R. Planche, Journal 
Archaeological Association ; Notes on Penhow Castle, by 
O. Morgan and J. Wakeman, 1867 ; &c] 


From an old print. 




1509. Jane Seymour was born about 1509, apparently 
in her father's house of Wolfhall. Some tapestry 
and bedroom furniture which she worked there as a girl 
came later into the possession of Charles I, who pre- 
sented it to William Seymour, Marquis of Hertford, in 
1647. During the struggle between Charles and the 
Parliament, Seymour had to compound with the latter in 
order to retain these relics, the sum to be paid amounting 
to sixty pounds. It is uncertain if any of these things 
are still in existence.* 

Jane Seymour has been stated by Miss Strickland to be 
the subject of a portrait in the Louvre gallery, which was 
said to represent one of the French Queen s maids of 
honour, although no name is stated in the inscription. 
The portrait appears probably to have been that of Anne 
of Cleves, but it had not been identified at the time Miss 
Strickland wrote. f 

All that we know for certain of Jane's early life is that 
she was attached to Catherine of Aragon's household, as 
lady in waiting, not long before Catherine ceased to be 
Queen, and was subsequently placed in the same position 
with Anne Boleyn.J She was described by Chapuys, the 
Emperor's ambassador in England, in 1536, as "of 
middle stature and no great beauty," but though he did 
not praise her for her beauty, he did for her intelligence.^ 
On September 10, 1535, she appears to have been 
l 53S* at Wolfhall on the occasion of the King's visit to 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. j Wilts Archieolog. Mag., xv, 205. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, xi, 32. 



her father and to have assisted in entertaining him. # Up 
to this time she had passed unnoticed amongst the other 
ladies of the Court ; but, during the few days of his visit, 
the King was able to discover the many brilliant qualities 
of her mind, and the charm of her manner. Pleased by 
her conversation he, from that time, took more notice of 
her and frequently sought her company for a short period, 
during the various Court functions ; a preference which 
speedily excited the jealousy and ill-feeling of the Queen, 
Anne Boleyn, and of many of the Court beauties. 

In February of the following year it has been 
1536. stated that the King gave her some costly presents, 

and it is most probable that he may have offered 
them to her. There is nothing, however, to show that 
she accepted his gifts ; indeed, from her conduct soon 
after, it is more than probable that she may have declined 
them. An old story says that she possessed a locket con- 
taining a portrait of the King, which flew open on one 
occasion when the Queen, in a fit of temper, struck at her 
with such a force as to tear the locket from her neck,t 
but this appears to be the only present ever actually 
mentioned and was one certainly that she could scarcely, 
with civility, have refused. 

The story of the presents probably originated from the 
gossip of the other ladies of the Court who, in their 
jealousy, were not likely to adhere too strictly to 
the truth. Chapuys, however, gives credence to it in 
a gossiping letter which he wrote to the Emperor on 
February 21, 1536. " Upon the whole, the general 
opinion is that the concubine's (Anne Boleyn's) miscarriage 
was entirely owing to defective constitution and her utter 
inability to bear male children ; whilst others imagine 
that the fear of the King treating her as he treated his 
late Queen, — which is not unlikely, considering his 
behaviour towards a damsel of the Court, named Miss 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 
f Fuller's Worthies. 



Seymour, to whom he has latterly made very valuable 

In March, however, the King actually did send her a 
purse full of sovereigns, together with a letter, said to 
contain dishonourable proposals. I think it will be 
generally agreed that her behaviour on this occasion 
refutes any story of her having accepted gifts previously. 
Chapuys, writing to the Emperor on April 1, says : " Just 
at this moment I receive a message from the Mar- 
chioness (of Dorset) confirming the information I once 
had from Master Geliot (Eliot ?), namely, that some days 
ago, the King being here in London, and the young 
Miss Seymour, to whom he is paying court, at Greenwich, 
he sent her a purse full of sovereigns, together with a 
letter ; and that the young damsel, to whom he is paying 
court, after respectfully kissing the letter, returned it to 
the messenger without opening it, and then, falling on her 
knees, begged the royal messenger to entreat the King, 
in her name, to consider that she was a well-born damsel, 
the daughter of good and honourable parents, without 
blame or reproach of any kind ; there was no treasure in 
this world that she valued as much as her honour, and on 
no account would she lose it, even if she were to die a 
thousand deaths. That if the King wished to make her 
a present of money, she requested him to reserve it for 
such a time as God would be pleased to send her some 
advantageous marriage. "f 

Thus did a young girl reply to the advances of a King, 
and that King Henry VIII ! Need more be said before 
we cast aside, with all the contempt they deserve, these 
tales and insinuations, brought forward by idle scandal- 
mongers in the past to destroy a maiden's honour ? 

To the surprise of many, this answer of Jane Sey- 
mour's appears to have pleased the King, and to have 
made him like and respect her more than before. 
Chapuys, in his letter to the Emperor, proceeds to say : 

* Spanish State Papers, 1536. 
t Spanish State Papers, 43, 1536. 



" The Marchioness also sent me word that in consequence 
of this refusal, the King's love for the said damsel had 
marvellously encreased, and that he had said to her that 
not only did he praise and commend her virtuous be- 
haviour on the occasion, but that in order to prove the 
sincerity of his love, and the honesty of his views 
towards her, he had resolved not to converse with her in 
future except in the presence of one of her relatives, and that 
for this reason the King had taken away, from Master 
Cromwell's apartments in the palace, a room to which he can, 
when he likes, have access through certain galleries without 
being seen, of which room the young lady's elder brother 
and his wife have already taken posession."* The brother 
referred to is Sir Edward Seymour, afterwards Duke of 
Somerset and Protector of the Realm, a man whose 
honour no one has ever dared to call in question. 

Seeing the way the King's affections were tending, 
many courtiers, not of Anne Boleyn's party, made haste to 
press their advice and wishes upon young Jane Seymour. 
She was advised, even beseeched, by those who hated the 
Queen, " to tell the King frankly, and without reserve, 
how much his subjects abominate the marriage contracted 
with the concubine (Anne Boleyn), and that not one con- 
siders it legitimate, and that this declaration ought to be 
made in the presence of witnesses of the titled nobility of 
this kingdom, who are to attest the truth of her statement 
should the King request them on their oath and fealty to 
do so."f Chapuys himself, in his letter, appears to have 
been very anxious to lend a helping hand in endeavouring 
to persuade Jane to assist in the schemes of the Catholics, 
and, by her influence with the King, to bring about Anne 
Boleyn's fall, and thus aim a blow at the Reformation, 
towards which Anne was inclined.f 

Jane Seymour, however, does not appear to have acted 
upon the suggestions made to her ; in fact, during her 

* Spanish State Papers, 43, 1536. 

t Chapuys to the Emperor. Spanish State Papers, 43, 1536. 
t Chapuys to the Emperor. Spanish State Papers, 1536. 



short period of power she made a point of never inter- 
fering in political or religious matters, knowing that it 
was none of her business to meddle in the affairs of the 
country. The fate of Anne Boleyn depended upon the 
King's humour or caprice. No word of Jane's could have 
hastened or delayed her fall, which was inevitable. 
Anne Boleyn did not suffer because the King had wearied 
of her, but because of her own inconstancy, which rendered 
her unfit to continue the wife of any man, or to remain 
a Queen of any nation. 

Soon after the commencement of Anne Boleyn's trial, 
or rather of the preliminary proceedings, Jane Seymour 
moved to a house belonging to Sir Nicholas Carew, about 
seven miles from London. Before the 15th of May, the 
day of Anne's trial, she was moved to a house on the 
Thames, within a mile of Whitehall, and it was here that 
she learnt of Anne's condemnation from Sir Francis Bryan. 
The King, himself, called upon her that afternoon.* 

On the day of Anne Boleyn's execution, Archbishop 
Cranmer issued a dispensation for the marriage of 
Henry VIII and Jane Seymour without publication of 
banns, and in spite of the relationship "in the third and 
third degrees of affinity " between the parties.f 

The next morning Jane Seymour was privately taken 
down to Hampton Court Palace, where she was formally 
betrothed to the King.J It has generally been stated that 
their marriage took place the same day in the church near 
Wolf hall, and that the wedding banquet took place in a 
large barn near that house. This story is, however, uncor- 
roborated by any contemporary correspondence.^ Eight 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t In Notes and Oueries, vol. vii, p. 42, there is a detailed 
pedigree tracing the descent of Jane Seymour, through Margaret 
Wentworth, her mother, by an intermarriage with a vVentworth, 
and a grand-daughter of Hotspur, Lord Percy, from the blood 
royal of England. 

% Friedmann, Anne Bolevn, ii, 354. 

§ Letters and Papers, x, 411 ; Wilts ArchxoJog. Mag., xv, 
140, seq.y containing a drawing of the barn. 



days certainly elapsed between the betrothal and the 
marriage, and Jane Seymour appears to have spent that 
time under the paternal roof.* On May 29, or the day 
previous, she arrived in London and the marriage was 
celebrated, in private, on the 30th, in " the Queen's 
closet at York place." f 

It was now just upon Whitsuntide and, in the ensuing 
festivities, Jane was openly introduced to the Court as 
Queen of England. J On June 29, St. Peter's Eve, " the 
King paid the citizens the compliment of bringing his 
fair Queen to Mercer's Hall, and she stood in one of the 
windows to view the annual ceremony of setting the city 
watch."§ (Note 11.) 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Letters and Papers, x, 413-14. Froude, in explanation ot 
what to modern eyes appears to have been the most indecent haste, 
says : "The Privy Council and the Peers, on the same grounds 
which had before led them to favour the divorce from Catherine, 
petitioned the King to save the country from the perils which 
menaced it, and to take a fresh wife without an hour's delay. 
Henry's experience of matrimony had been so discouraging, that 
they feared he might be reluctant to venture upon it again. 
Nevertheless, for his country's sake, they trusted that he would 
not refuse." . . . . " The indecent haste (in performing the 
marriage) is usually considered a proof entirely conclusive of the 
cause of Anne Boleyn's ruin. To myself, the haste is evidence of 
something very different. Henry, who waited seven years for 
Anne Boleyn, was not without some control over his passions ; 
and if appetite had been the moving influence with him, he would 
scarcely, with the eyes of all the world fixed upon his conduct, 
have passed so gross an insult upon the nation of which he was the 
Sovereign. The precipitancy with which he acted is to me a 
proof that he looked on matrimony as an indifferent official act 
which his duty required at the moment ; and if this be thought a 
novel interpretation of his motives, I have merely to say that 1 find 
it in the statute book. 

"Similarly on the death of Jane Seymour, the Council urged 
immediate re-marriage on the King, considering a single prince 
an insufficient security for the future." See a letter of Cromwell's 
to the English Ambassador at Paris on the dajr of Jane Seymour's 
death in the State Papers, a portion of which is quoted by Froude. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. 

§ Lives of the Queens of England, Miss Strickland. Froude's 
Hist. England. ^ 

From ^ n Old Emytoim} 



Mass over, I accompanied the King to the apartments 
of the Queen, whom with the King's pleasure I kissed, 
congratulating her on her marriage, and wishing her 
prosperity. I told her besides that although the device 
of the lady who had preceded her on the throne was 
c the happiest of women,' I had no doubt she herself 
would fully realise that motto. I was (said I) sure that 
your Majesty would be equally rejoiced, as the King 
himself had been, at meeting with such a virtuous and 
amiable Queen, the more so that her brother* had once 
been in your Majesty's service. It was almost impossible 
to believe (I added) the joy and pleasure which English- 
men of all ranks had felt at the marriage, owing especially 
to the rumour that had circulated abroad that she was 
continually trying to persuade the King, her father, to 
restore the Princess to his favour, as she formerly was. 
Among the many felicities which I enumerated, I said to 
the Queen, certainly the chief one was the Princess, in 
whom, without having had the pain and trouble of bring- 
ing her into the world, she had such a daughter that she 
would receive more pleasure and consolation from her 
than from any other she might have. I ended by begging 
her to take care of the Princess's affairs ; which she 
kindly promised to do, saying that she would work in 
earnest to deserve the honourable name which I had 
given her of pacificator, that is, 'preserver and guardian 
of the peace.' 

" After this address of mine the King, who in the 
meantime had been talking with the ladies of the Court, 
approached us and began making excuses for the Queen, 
saying that I was the first Ambassador to whom she had 
spoken ; she was not used to that sort of reception ; but 
he (the King) imagined that she would do her utmost to 
obtain the title of c pacificator ' which I had greeted her 
with, as besides being herself of kind and amiable dis- 
position and much inclined to peace, she would make the 
greatest efforts to prevent his taking part in a foreign 
* Sir Edward Seymour. 



war, were it for no other thing than the fear of having to 
separate herself from him."* 

A curious example of the haste with which everything 
had been done by Henry VIII is that Miles Coverdale, 
who had just been completing the publication of his Bible, 
which he had dedicated to the King and Anne Boleyn, 
found himself suddenly compelled to print the initials of 
Jane's name across that of Anne.t 

The Whitsuntide festivities over, matters appear to 
have gone on smoothly and satisfactorily for a time. On 
June 8, Queen Jane was made a present of Paris Garden, 
in July she accompanied the King on a journey through 
Kent to Canterbury, whence they journeyed to Dover to 
see the pier which had not long been commenced, and in 
August she went on a hunting expedition with her 
husband. £ 

Parliament, meanwhile, had, in July, settled that the 
succession to the Crown should be vested in Jane's 
children, to the exclusion of the Princesses, Mary and 
Elizabeth, and that the Coronation should take place at 
Michaelmas.f A report, however, soon spread that the 
Queen was not likely to bear children and the ceremony 
of the Coronation was delayed, and although her name 
was introduced into the bidding prayer by Cranmer, it 
was generally rumoured that she would never be crowned 
at all unless she became a mother.§ Chapuys wrote to 
Granville : " . . . The Coronation of this Queen has 
been delayed till after Michaelmas. Suspicious persons 
think it is to see if she shall be with child ; and if not, 
and there is danger of her being barren, occasion may be 
found to take another. I am told on good authority that 
this King will not have the prize of those who do not 

* Spanish State Papers, vol. 5. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. Lives of the Queens of England, Miss 

§ Gairdner's Letters and Papers, Henry VIII j Diet. Nat. 

3 2 


repent in marriage ; for within eight days after publica- 
tion of his marriage, having twice met two beautiful 
young ladies, he said and showed himself somewhat sorry 
that he had not seen them before he was married 
. . . ."* Again, writing to Charles I, Chapuys says : 
" . . . . The Queen's Coronation which was to have 
taken place at the end of the month is put off till next 
summer and some doubt it will not take place at all. 
There is no appearance that she will have children."* 
The alarm that this was now occasioning the King caused 
him again to think of the Princess Mary, to whom he 
had been reconciled through the efforts of Jane, as his 
successor, and we find Chapuys writing — ". . . On 
the King's return from hunting she (the Princess) will go 
to the Court to be named heiress of the Crown in default 
of issue by the present Queen, and none is expected on 
account of the complexion and disposition of the King 

• • • "t 

The great friendship of the Queen towards the Princess 
Mary had been, ever since the marriage, causing some 
alarm to the followers of the Reformed Church, who had 
hoped to obtain her assistance to their cause, the more so 
as her brother, now Viscount Beauchamp, was believed to 
favour their views. The Queen, however, showed no 
preference for either religious party, doubtless thinking 
that, whatever her own views might be, she had no 
business or occasion to meddle in church affairs. This 
caused her to be viewed with some disfavour by the 
Reformers but to be held in greater esteem by the 
Catholics, at that time the more powerful party. Luther, 
in a letter to Nic Hausmann, says : ". . . Alesms 
writes from England that the new Queen, Jane, is to be 
crowned at Michaelmas. He says that she is an enemy 
of the Gospel, and the state of the kingdom is so altered 
that Antonius (Barnes) lies hid and keeps quiet, yet he is 

* Gairdner's Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, lett. 8, p. 10, and 
No. 528, p. 215. 

t Gairdner's Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, 493, p. 200. 



not free from danger."* Cardinal Pole, on the other 
hand, wrote in great praise of her, describing her as 
" full of goodness. "f The Catholics, indeed, might well 
have deemed themselves the favoured party, for the only 
occasion on which Jane ever attempted to sway Henry's 
mind, was during the Pilgrimage of Grace and in favour 
of the restoration of the dissolved Abbeys. In a letter to 
Cardinal du Bellay, we read, "At the beginning of the 
insurrection the Queen threw herself on her knees before 
the King and begged him to restore the Abbeys, but he 
told her prudently enough to get up, . . . and not 
to meddle in his affairs, referring to the late Queen 

In the December following Jane returned to London 
with the King, and on the 22nd of that month they rode 
in great state through the City.§ The winter of 1536-7 
was one of extraordinary severity, and in the 
1537. January we find a record of her crossing the 
frozen Thames, on horseback, to Greenwich 
Palace, accompanied by the King and the whole Court. II 

In March, to the great joy of the King and of the 
whole country, it was announced that the Queen was with 
child. Being of a delicate constitution it now became 
necessary for her to lead a more quiet and retired life, 
and the coronation was, therefore, once more postponed. 
Prayers were ordered to be said at mass for her safe 
delivery, and she was removed to Hampton Court where, 
in September, she took to her chamber.** 

" The splendid Gothic banqueting hall," says Miss 
Strickland, "was finished at this juncture, for Queen 
Jane's initials are entwined with those of her husband 
among the decorations. ... At the entrance of the 

* Gairdner, 475, p. 188. 

t Strype's Memorials, i, ii, 304. 

X Gairdner, 860, p. 345. 

4 Diet. Nat. Biog. 

I Lives of the Queens of England, Miss Strickland. 
1 Gairdner's Letters and Papers, vol. xii. 
** Notes and Queries, 3rd ser., i, 186. 




chapel, on each side of the doorway, is a species of a 
coloured stone picture, containing Henry's arms and 
initials on the right, and Queen Jane's arms with the 
interchanged initials J. H. and H. J., with love-knots 
intertwined. The motto, arms, and supporters of Jane 
Seymour as Queen are among the archives of Herald's 
College. Over the shields is inscribed c Bound to obey 
and serve,' in English. Her supporters were, on the 
right side, a unicorn, with a collar of roses around his 
neck, alternately a red and a white one. It seems the 
unicorn was adopted for her as the emblem of chastity. 
On the left side was a horse ducally collared. Her family 
shield of the Seymour arms is entire, not impaled with 
the royal arms, emblazoned in an escutcheon of the usual 
broad form ; the crown of England is over the shield, 
and beneath it is written c Regina Jane.' "* 

On Friday, the 12th of October, the Queen gave birth 
to a son,t and on the same day wrote to Cromwell to 
announce to him and to the Privy Council the birth of an 
heir to the throne "conceived in lawful matrimony." 
This letter was signed " Jane the Quene."J 

Her health, however, was not by any means satisfactory, 
although at first there appeared no cause for anxiety. 
With rest and care she would doubtless have recovered, 
but, unfortunately, it appears to have been a rule that a 
Queen of England should attend her infant's christening, 
which in this case took place very soon after the child's 
birth. The baptism took place in the evening, by torch- 
light, and the ceremony lasted till midnight. The Queen 
was carried from her room to the chapel on a sort of 
pallet or sofa, on which she reclined propped up by 
cushions and wrapped in a crimson velvet mantle, and 
during the whole of the proceedings King Henry remained 

* Lives of the Queens of England, Miss Strickland. 

t " The report that the Caesarian operation was performed in 
her case was an invention of the Jesuit, Nicholas Sanders." — Diet. 
Nat. Biog. 

t Gairdner's Letters and Papers ; Cotton MS. 

king I DWARP vi. 

From a ptHrmH <it Jtowr. in th,- pomtsion if II. St. Maur, E$fr, 



seated at her side.* An account of the ceremony is to be 
found in Gairdner's Letters and Papers. (911.) The 
Princess Elizabeth carried the chrysome and, on account 
of her tender age, was in turn borne in the arms of 
Viscount Beauchamp, the Queen's brother, t 

The exertion of this long ceremony, however, was too 
great for Jane's strength. " What with the procession 
setting out from the chamber, and the braying of the 
trumpets at its entrance when it returned (the herald 
especially notes the goodly noise they made there) ; and, 
in conclusion, the exciting ceremonial of bestowing her 
maternal benediction on her newly baptized babe, the 
poor Queen had been kept in a complete hurry of spirits 
for many hours." £ It appears, in addition, that she 
had caught a cold, as the result of which and perhaps also 
of improper diet, she fell seriously ill and soon after 
expired, Wednesday, October 24, twelve days after the 
birth of her son, Edward, afterwards King Edward VI.§ 

Her death appears to have caused the King greater 
sorrow than any other event of his reign and, whatever his 
behaviour may at times have been, there seems no doubt 
that he had become deeply attached to her. On no other 
occasion was he ever known to have exhibited signs of 
such genuine grief, and he who hated black to such an 
extent that no one had ever dared to wear it about the 
Court, went into mourning himself for several months, 
an attention which he paid to the memory of none of 
his other wives. II That the people in general also shared 
his grief may be seen by an old ballad (Bell, Ancient 
Poems of the Peasantry of England), which was very 
popular at the time. 

Froude says of her character, u Although she makes 
no figure in history, though she took no part in State 

* Lives of the Oueens of England, Miss Strickland, 
t Letters and Papers, 911. 

X Lives of the (Queens of England, Miss Strickland. 
Strype's Memorials ; Fullers Church History, Brewer. 
Lives of the (Queens of England, Miss Strickland g Diet. 
Nat. Biog. 

D 2 



questions, and we know little of her sympathies or opinions, 
her name is mentioned by both Protestant and Catholic 
with unreserved respect. . . . Her uprightness of character 
and sweetness of disposition had earned her husband's 
esteem, and with his esteem an affection deeper than 
he had perhaps anticipated. . . . She was also deeply 
regretted by the whole Court whom she had attached by 
the uncommon sweetness of her disposition. ..." 

Queen Jane's body was embalmed and lay in state at 
Hampton Court till the 12th of November, when it 
was removed with great pomp to Windsor and buried in 
the choir of St. George's Chapel,* where the following 
epitaph was inscribed above her tomb : 

" Phoenix Jana jacet, nato Phoenice, dolendum 
Saecula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas." (Note 12.) 

According to the King's commands and to his last will 
and testament, his remains were, at his death, to be laid 
by her side. He further ordered that " Both their statues 
were to be placed on the tomb : the effigy of Jane was 
to recline, not as in death, but as one sweetly sleeping ; 
children were to sit at the corners of the tomb, having 
baskets of roses, white and red, made of fine Oriental 
stones — jasper, cornelian, and agate, c which they shall 
show to take in their hands, and cast them down on and 
over the tomb, and down on the pavement ; and the 
roses they cast over the tomb shall be enamelled and 
gilt, and the roses they cast on the steps and pavement 
shall be formed of the said fine Oriental stones.' "f This 
beautiful idea, however, was never carried out. The 
materials for it were indeed gradually collected and placed 
in the chapel, but they were stolen or destroyed during 
the Civil War.J 

Later on, when seeking for a place in which to lay the 
body of Charles I, the searchers came upon the coffins of 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, vol. xii. 
t Lives of the Queens of England, Miss Strickland. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



Henry and Jane, beside whom they laid the headless 
corpse of the murdered King ; and again, when George IV 
was seeking in the vaults for the plain lead coffin contain- 
ing Charles, Queen Jane's coffin was found close to that 
of Henry VIII, whose enormous skeleton an accident 
had exposed to view. King George (all praise to his 
kindly feeling !) refused to allow Jane's coffin to be 
interfered with, and finally caused the vault to be closed 

For a long time after Queen Jane's death, the bed and 
apartment in which she died and in which Edward VI 
was born, were shown to the public, and they are 
mentioned by Hentzner, who saw them in the latter part 
of Elizabeth's reign. In more recent years, however, 
every fragment of the furniture of the Queen's apart- 
ments has been removed, and the very apartments altered, 
even to the beautiful entrance from the great staircase, 
which has been walled up. Tradition, however, still 
asserts that, in spite of these changes, "ever as the 
anniversary of Edward VI birth-night returns, the spectre 
of Jane Seymour is seen to ascend those stairs, clad in 
flowing white garments, with a lighted lamp in her 
hand, t 

Only two documents with Jane's signature appended 
remain to us. One announcing the birth of her son has 
already been noticed here, the other is merely a warrant 
addressed to a park-keeper in 1536 for the delivery of 
two bucks. J 

Catalogues of her jewels, lands, and the debts owing to 
her at her death are among the British Museum MSS. 
(Royal) and at the Record Offke.§ All her property 
reverted to the King. 

There are several portraits of Queen Jane, but few of 
them are satisfactory to my mind. There is a certain stiff- 

* Lives of the Oucens of England, Miss Strickland, 

t Lives of the Oueens of England, Miss Strickland, 

t Cotton MS.;^Vesp., E. 3, 16. 

§ Diet. Nat. Hiog. 


ness about the pictures of that period, especially in the 
women's portraits, which always gives me the impression 
that the likenesses are not likely to be good. A half-length 
picture, believed to be by Holbein, is at Stover, a sketch 
by Holbein is at Windsor, replicas of a finished portrait 
by the same artist are at Woburn Abbey and at Vienna. 
The Woburn picture was engraved in a medallion by 
Hollar and also by Bond for Lodge's " Portraits " ; the 
Vienna picture was engraved by G. Biichel. Copies of 
the painting belong to Lord Sackville, the Society of 
Antiquaries, the Marquis of Hertford, Sir Rainald 
Knightley, and the Duke of Northumberland. A minia- 
ture by Hilliard is at Windsor. There was also a portrait 
group, by Holbein, of Henry VIII, his father, mother, 
and Jane, which was destroyed by the fire at Whitehall in 
1698, a small copy of which is at Hampton Court.* 

[Lives of the Queens of England, Miss Strickland ; Diet. 
Nat. Biog.; Gairdner's Letters and Papers, Henry VI II; 
Notes and Queries ; Spanish State Papers ; Friedmann's 
Anne Boleyn ; Froude's History ; Wood's Letters of Illus- 
trious Ladies ; Strype's Memorials ; Cotton MS. ; Fuller's 
Church History, by Brewer ; Bell, Ancient Poems ; British 
Museum Royal" MSS. ; Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., &c] 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

From an old print. 




Thomas Seymour was the fourth son of Sir John 
Seymour of Wolfhall, by Margery, daughter of Sir 

Henry Wentworth (who was descended from John 
1508. of Gaunt), and he was born about the year 1508. 

He must not be confused with a Sir Thomas 
Seymour who was Sheriff of London 15 16, Lord Mayor 
of London 1526 and 1530, Mayor of Staple at West- 
minster, and who was frequendy employed in commercial 
negotiations by Henry VIII. This Sir Thomas died 
December n, 1532.* 

Of Thomas Seymour's childhood and early years, there 
is but little information to be found. He appears to have 
entered the profession of arms in his youth, and to have 
become so proficient as greatly to excel in the jousts and 
tournaments which, under the encouragement of the 
King, were so much in vogue at the time. 

It is at the age of 22 that he first comes into 
1530. public notice. He was then in the service of Sir 

Francis Bryan, who regularly employed him on his 
1536. frequent embassies. f The marriage of his sister, 

Jane, to King Henry VIII in 1536, and of another 
sister, Elizabeth, to Gregory, son of Cromwell, how- 
ever, placed him before long in a much better position. 
On October 1 following he was granted in survivor- 
ship the Stewardship of Chirk and other castles and 
manors on the borders of Wales, and not long after was 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Letters and Papers, vol. iv ; Greyfriars 
Chronicle; Ellis, Shoreditch, p. 54. 

t Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, v, 323-325. 



made a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber. The follow- 
ing year he was granted the castle and manor of 

1537. Holt in Cheshire and, on October 18, he received 
the honour of knighthood, on the occasion of 

the christening of his nephew, afterwards Edward VI.* 
In 1538 he was attached to an embassy to the French 
Court under Sir Anthony Brown, and during this 

1538. year and the next received some large grants of 
land, including Coggeshall Abbey and Monastery in 

Essex, Romsey Abbey in Hampshire, and Coleshull in 
Berkshire, f (Note 13.) 

In July a marriage was proposed by the old Duke of 

Norfolk between his daughter, the beautiful Mary, 
1538. widow of the Duke of Richmond, and Sir Thomas 

Seymour. On the 14th of this month, Rafe 
Sadleyr wrote to Cromwell : " The day the King removed 
from Westminster to Hampton Court, the Duke of 
Norfolk made a suit to him touching the jointure of his 
daughter, the Duchess of Richmond, and spoke about her 
marriage, mentioning two persons, one being Sir Thomas 
Seymour. The King has spoken to Sir Thomas about it, 
and he, considering that Cromwell's son has married his 
sister, preferred him to have c the mayning of the matter.' 
The King desires him to speak to the Duke at some time 
convenient, and soon, as the Duchess goes into the 
country to-morrow or next day." The proposed alliance, 
however, came to nothing, owing chiefly to the difficulties 
raised by the Earl of Surrey, Norfolk's son, who had 
become a bitter enemy of the Seymour family ever since 
his failure in France, where his command had been taken 
from him and given to the Earl of Hertford.^ 

In 1539 Sir Thomas was one of the escort sent over to 

Calais to meet Anne of Cleves and bring her to 
^ J "' England.^ (Note 14.) After her marriage with 

* Wriothesley's Chronicle, i, 69. 

t Cf. Addit. M.S. 15,553, f 72 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Tytler's Henry VIII. 

§ Chron. of Calais, p. 168-173. 



Henry VIII, when a proclamation was issued in France, 
Flanders, Scotland, and Spain for a great tourna- 
ment that was to be held on May-day, Seymour was 

chosen as one of the challengers,* together with 
1 540. Sir John Dudley, Sir Thomas Poynings, Sir 

George Carew, Anthony Kingston, and Thomas 
Cromwell. Forty-six defendants appeared against them, 
but they held their own throughout and, in consequence, 
received great marks of the King's favour. 

A few weeks after this he was deputed to seek the 
assistance of Ferdinand, King of Hungary, for Henry, 
who was just about to enter into hostilities with both 
Scotland and France, and was further entrusted with the 
levying of foreign mercenaries for the same object. He 
reached Vienna in July and remained there two years, 
during which time he saw a great deal of the war against 
the Turks, which he described regularly in his letters to 

In October, 1542, he returned to England, but only 
for a short stay for, in December, he was sent to 

1542. Nuremberg to endeavour to raise mercenaries for 
the English service to the amount of two thousand 

horse and three thousand foot.;}; Being unable, however, 
to levy this force, he was recalled in January and 

1543. remained at home till May when he was, together 
with Doctor Nicholas Wotton, appointed Ambas- 
sador to the Court of the Netherlands.^ 

This appointment, however, he did not retain long for, 
on the outbreak of war against France and Spain, he was 
appointed Marshal of the English army in the Netherlands 
(June 26) commanded by Sir John Wallop. || Together 
they started from Calais and marched along the frontiers 
of the French and Burgundian territories without en- 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog.; Letters, Sir J.Seymour to Henry VIII, and 
two replies from Henry VIII, dated Aug. 15 and Aug. 29. 
X Diet. Nat. Biog. 
§ State Papers, rfenry VIII. 
I State Papers, Henry VIII. 



countering any opposition.* On reaching Landrey, the 
army was halted, and Seymour sent to consult their ally, 
the Queen Regent, as to the advisability of laying siege 
to the town and to ask for assistance, which she readily 

In the meantime Sir John Wallop had fallen ill and 
retired to Valenciennes, so that Seymour, on his return, 
found himself in command of the army. He at once 
made an expedition into France, burnt several villages, 
stormed and took Bohaine, the castle of which he invested 
on September 2. He was, however, soon recalled by 
Sir John Wallop, who resumed the command, and on 
September 25 commenced to lay siege to Landrey, which 
was soon on the point of being taken by assault, for 
breaches had been made in the walls and the old tower 
had been carried, when a large French army arrived upon 
the scene and compelled them to abandon the siege. A 
few small actions then took place, but the French would 
not be drawn into a general engagement, seeing which, 
and finding winter coming on, Sir John Wallop retired to 
Calais, f 

As a reward for his services, the King gave Seymour 
several grants of land, and in the following year, 
1 544. April 1 7, made him Master of the Ordnance for 
life, in which capacity he served in France during 
that summer, at the end of which he returned to England, 
bringing with him large stores of ammunition and ord- 
nance. In the autumn (October about) he was appointed 
Admiral of the Fleet, and commenced preparations for 
re- victualling Boulogne, and then attacking the French 
fleet in the channel. The winter storms, however, pre- 
vented those plans from being carried out.J 

About this time, for some reason which does not 

* On July 24, with a strong detachment, Seymour captured and 
destroyed the castles of Rinquecen and " Arbrittayne." — Diet. Nat. 

t State Papers, Henry VIII. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



appear, he endeavoured to influence the King against 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, whom he openly accused 
of living in a simpler and poorer manner than became his 
position or the revenues of his see. The King, however, 
refused to believe him, but sent him down to Lambeth 
that he might see the Archbishop's unbounded hospitality 
and the magnificence of his surroundings, having seen 
which the King told him that he saw the reason of his 
malignity and was resolved not to countenance it. 

In the summer of 1545 Seymour was in command at 
Dover for the purpose of defending the Kentish 

1545. coast against a projected invasion of the French, 
and in August he joined the main fleet under 

Lord Lisle at Portsmouth, whence he was sent in haste 
to the narrow seas in September. The French fleet, 
however, having dispersed soon after, and all fear of an 
invasion being at an end, he was ordered to return to the 
Thames with all his fleet, with the exception of a few ships, 
which were to remain and guard the narrow seas. He 
now again received a reward for his services, the King 
granting him Hampton Place, close to Temple Bar, which 
he renamed Seymour Place.* 

The old Duke of Norfolk appears to have still been 
desirous of allying his family to that of the 

1546. Seymours, and in the following year again pressed 
for a marriage between Sir Thomas Seymour and 

his daughter, the Duchess of Richmond. The enmity of 
the Earl of Surrey had, however, not abated in the 
slightest degree, and once more he was able to break off* 
the negotiations. t 

In October Seymour accompanied his brother, the Earl 
of Hertford, in an expedition to France, the chief purport 
of which was to arrange the frontiers of the Boulonnais 
and to see to the fortifications of Boulogne.^ He 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Deux Gentilshommes Poetes, Bapst., p. 308; Cotton MS.; 
Titus B. 1, f. 94. 

X State Papers, Henry VIII; Correspondence Politique de 
Odet de Selve, 1846-9. 



returned only a short time before the King's death, which 
took place at York House, now Whitehall, but 
x 547- ' m t i me to b e SWO rn one of the Privy Council, 
January 23.* 

By his will Henry was found to have appointed sixteen 
executors to manage the affairs of the State during his 
son's minority, and twelve councillors to assist them. 
Seymour, to whom the King had left ^200, was named as 
one of the latter. It also appeared, according to Paget's 
deposition, that, amongst other honours Henry had 
intended to confer, Sir Thomas was to have been made a 
peer and Lord High Admiral of England. He was 
accordingly created Baron Seymour of Sudeley, in Wilts, 
on February 16, and made a Knight of the Garter and 
Lord High Admiral the day following.! 

The castle of Sudeley, from which he took his name, 
was a Gothic structure situated about half a mile from 
Winchcombe, in Glos. Together with it he received a 
grant of nineteen manors in that county, for 99 years, 
from the last Abbot of Winchcombe, who now became 
first Dean of Westminster ; at the same time the property 
of the late Duke of Norfolk, which had been confiscated 
on his attainder during the last days of Henry VIII, was 
divided amongst various persons, but chiefly between 
Lord Seymour and his brother, now Duke of Somerset, 
both of whom received great quantities of jewels, orna- 
ments of gold, arms, implements, plate, horses, and cattle, 
the spoils of that unfortunate nobleman. 

During the festivities attending King Edward's corona- 
tion a great tournament took place, in which Lord 
Seymour played a prominent part. The same evening, 
February 21, he entertained the Court at Seymour Place, 
near Temple Bar. J On the 5 th of March he was ap- 
pointed one of the Commissioners to negotiate for a defen- 

* Acts, P.C., ed. Dasent, i, 566 ; Greyfriars Chronicle, 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist., &c. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



sive alliance with France,* and on the 6th was deputed to 
take the seal from the Lord Chancellor Wriothesley. 
There was some talk at this time of making him Governor 
of the King's person, but the project was quickly aban- 

Lord Seymour, one would have thought, might have 
been well contented in attaining both rank, influence, and 
wealth in so short a time. Although sprung from an 
ancient and honourable family, he had been but a younger 
son of a simple knight, and now, having scarce reached 
the prime of life, he found himself among the most 
influential men in the kingdom, a Peer of the Realm, 
High Admiral of England, uncle to the King, and brother 
of the Protector. All this, however, was not enough. 
His limitless and unprincipled ambition could not brook 
any other subject in the Realm holding a higher office ; he 
must be Protector at any cost. Like his brother, he was 
brave, accomplished, handsome, and of stately bearing. 
Unlike his brother, his ambition was purely selfish, his 
religion was naught, his moral life full of sin, his treat- 
ment of his dependants unscrupulous and unjust. Lati- 
mer in one of his sermons described him " as a man 
furthest from the fear of God that he ever knew or heard 
of in England," and of whom " he had heard so much 
wickedness that he ever wondered what would be the end 
of him."t 

Considering his ambition, his want of principle, and of 
moral or religious feeling, it can readily be understood 
that he would stop at nothing to attain his purpose — that 
of supplanting his brother. Determined to advance him- 
self to this end, he commenced immediately after Henry's 
death to pay his addresses to the Princess Elizabeth, then 
i 5 years of age.§ Here, however, he met with a decided 
refusal, for she sent him the following letter in reply to 

* De Selve, Corresp. Pol., pp. 109-1 14. 

t Greyfriars Chronicle, p. 54 ; Lit. Remains, Edward V I, p. 1 14. 
X Froude's Hist. 

§ Wood's Letters, Royal and Illustrious Ladies, iii, 191-2. 

4 6 


one of his proposing marriage :* " My Lord Admiral, the 
letter you have written to me is the most obliging, and at 
the same time the most eloquent in the world. And as I 
do not feel myself competent to reply to so many 
courteous expressions, I shall content myself with unfold- 
ing to you, in few words, my real sentiments. I confess 
to you that your letter, all elegant as it is, has very much 
surprised me ; for besides that neither my age nor my 
inclination allows me to think of marriage, I never could 
have believed that any one would have spoken to me of 
nuptials at a time when I ought to think of nothing but 
sorrow for the death of my father. And to him I owe so 
much, that I must have two years at least to mourn for his 
loss. And how can I make up my mind to become a 
wife before I shall have enjoyed for some years my virgin 
state, and arrived at years of discretion ? 

"Permit me, then, my Lord Admiral, to tell you 
frankly that, as there is no one in the world who more 
esteems your merit than myself, or who sees you with 
more pleasure as a disinterested person, so would I pre- 
serve to myself the priviledge of recognizing you as such, 
without entering into that strict bond of matrimony, 
which often causes one to forget the possession of true 
merit. Let your highness be well persuaded that, though 
I decline the happiness of becoming your wife, I shall 
never cease to interest myself in all that can crown your 
merit with glory, and shall ever feel the greatest pleasure 
in being your servant, and good friend, Elizabeth. Feb- 
ruary 27, 1 547." 

In spite of this Seymour does not appear to have 

* Wood's Letters ; Leti, Vita de Elizabetta, vol. I, p. 171. 

Leti, in writing his life of Elizabeth, had evidently access to 
many valuable original letters, some of which have now perished ; 
but as those which remain prove, on comparison, to have been 
faithfully, though freely, translated by him, there is no reason 
whatever to doubt the authenticity of the remainder, though the 
originals may be lost. The letter inserted in the text confirms the 
report of our historians as to Seymour's proposal immediately 
after Henry's death. 


From an Old Print. 



relinquished hope at once, but endeavoured, through a 
gentleman of the household named Fowler, whom he 
bribed, to obtain the Kings approval and influence.* 
Young Edward, however, was too wise to meddle in such 
an affair, whereupon Seymour transferred his attentions to 
the Princess Mary and to Anne of Cleves, both of whom 
immediately rejected his suit.f 

There now remained but one more chance of his 
contracting a royal alliance. This was with Catherine 
Parr, the late King's widow, who had already been married 
three times, first to Sir Edward Burgh, secondly to John 
Nevill, Lord Latimer, and lastly to Henry VIII. Between 
this lady and Seymour there had already been some 
incipient love passages while she was the widow of Lord 
Latimer, and Seymour now renewed the intercourse with 
such success that within two months or so of the late 
King's death she became privately his wife. J (Note 15.) 

Having accomplished his purpose, Seymour was now 
confronted with the difficulty of how best to announce 
the marriage. To his brother he was determined not to 
go for assistance ; the King and Princess Mary, if won 
over, he thought would be sufficient. Edward's letter 
was managed through Fowler, but Mary, to whom Sey- 
mour applied in person, refused her assistance, saying that 
the request appeared to her " too strange to meddle with."§ 
Whilst this was going on the truth was discovered, and 
the Council and Protector were " much offended. "II 

The marriage being an accomplished fact, and there 
being no remedy for it, the matter was passed over ; and 
to cover any unpleasant feeling, on the breaking out of 
the Scotch war, the Admiral (Seymour) was desired to 
take command of the fleet. He preferred, however, to 
remain at home and carry on his schemes during his 

* Froudc's Hist. 

t De Selve, Corrcsp. Pol., pp. 1 54— 5. 
X Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude s Hist. 
§ Froude's Hist. 

I) Lit. Remains, Edward VI, p. 215. 



brother's absence with the army, and so deputed the Lord 
Clinton to command the fleet, reserving to himself the 
management of the Admiralty.* 

His first step was, if possible, to get himself appointed 
Governor of the King's person, and, with this object in 
view, he began carefully to examine precedents in the 
hope of showing that, in cases of a King's minority, it 
was usual for one uncle to have the custody of the King's 
person while the other was Protector of the Realm. f In 
addition to this, he encouraged young Edward to come to 
his house as frequently as possible, ostensibly to visit his 
stepmother, gave him large presents of money for his 
privy purse, bribed his attendants, and formed a league 
with some of the dissatisfied nobility, notably the Marquis 
of Dorset and the young Earl of Rutland, with the 
object of securing votes in Parliament and gaining such 
interest in the country as would enable him to raise an 
army if required. He also succeeded in obtaining, with- 
out the Protector's knowledge or sanction, a new and 
more ample patent for his office of High Admiral, with 
an addition of 200 marks to the salary. J 

On April 5, before the outbreak of the Scottish war, he 
visited the western ports and made, soon after, an expedi- 
tion against a pirate named " Thomessin," who had seized 
on the Scilly Isles and used them as a base whence he 
could easily prey upon the traders of all nations.^ Instead 
of attacking and capturing this pirate, however, Seymour 
came to a friendly understanding with him to share the 
spoil and the control of the islands. || He then made an 
attempt on Lundy Isle, which he occupied, and so arranged 
matters as to win over the pirates and privateers to his 
own ends, in spite of the remonstrances of the French 
Ambassador and the commands of the Protector.^ 

* Froude's Hist. ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. J Froude's Hist., &c. 

§ De Selve, Corresp. Pol., pp. 130, 189. || Diet. Nat. Biog. 
II Oppenheim, Administration of the Navy, 1897, pp. 101, 
104 - } Chron. Henry VIII, ed. Hume, 1889, p. 161. 



In July he received a large grant of manors and estates 
situated chiefly in Gloucestershire, North Wilts, and 
Wales, which were ostensibly given to him as an accom- 
plishment of the intended gifts of the late King. Soon 
after this, in order to secure more fully the aid of the 
Marquis of Dorset, he lent him several large sums of 
money, without taking any security, and persuaded him to 
send his young daughter, the beautiful and accomplished 
Lady Jane Grey, at that time but 10 years old, to reside 
in his house, promising that he would not fail to bring 
about a marriage between her and the young King as soon 
as he should obtain control of the latter's person.* 
(Note 1 6.) 

Seymour was now becoming more confident of the 
ultimate success of his plans. His efforts, however, were 
by no means relaxed, for he seized every opportunity of 
slandering the absent Protector, assuring the King that 
the Scottish invasion " had been madly undertaken, and 
was money wasted in vain," and urging him to take the 
government into his own hands. He also tried to per- 
suade Edward to write a letter on his behalf to the 
Parliament, which met on November 4, but the young 
King was too shrewd to meddle in such a matter.f To 
add to the anger he felt at this refusal, a dispute arose 
over some jewels, which the Protector retained as Crown 
property, but which he claimed as having been given to 
his wife by Henry VII I.J The little caution and control 
he had hitherto exhibited now deserted him. He declared 
openly that, if his demands as to the Governorship of the 
King's person were refused, he would make it " the 
blackest Parliament that ever was in England," he would 
" take his fist to the ear of the proudest that should 
oppose him," and declared " that he could live better 
without the Protector than the Protector without him."§ 

* Froude's Hist. ; Haynes. 

t Froude's Hist. 5 Diet. Nat. Biog. 

% Froude's Hist. 

§ Froude's Hist. ; Haynes. 




His wild language and his general insolent bearing 
could not long escape the notice of the Council, who now 
required him to appear before them and explain his actions. 
He took no notice of their summons, however, and dared 
anyone to imprison him. In vain did the Protector send 
his friends to reason with him, pointing out the injury 
he was doing to the country, already in an unsettled state 
owing to the youth of the King and the religious disputes, 
and begging him to submit to the orders of the Council, 
who, in all probability, would have sent him to the Tower 
at once if Somerset had not smoothed matters down to 
some extent and quieted the Admiral for a time by giving 
him further grants of land.* 

Thus matters stood in the spring of 1548, and 
1 548. nothing much occurred till the summer, when it 
was decided by the Council to send two expedi- 
tions into Scotland, one by land and one by sea, the com- 
mand of the latter being entrusted to Lord Seymour, who 
having collected the fleet, started about July or August, 
taking with him about 1,200 land forces. With these he 
made two descents on the coast of Scotland, one at St. 
Ninians, in Fife, and the other at Montrose, but was 
defeated on each occasion, and, having lost more than half 
his force, returned to England the latter end of August, t 

On September 5, his wife, Queen Catherine, died in 
childbed. J Hers had not, it appears, been a happy mar- 
riage. Being Queen-Dowager, the Princess Elizabeth had, 
not unnaturally, been entrusted to her care, and resided 
with her in Seymour's house. Thrown thus constantly 
into her company, it was not long before the Admiral had 
begun to renew his advances to the Princess, whom he soon 
commenced to treat with such indelicate familiarity that the 
Queen grew jealous, and caused her to be removed.^ 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist. 

X She was buried in the chapel at Sudeley with much pomp, 
the Lady Jane Grey going as chief mourner. 

§ Haynes ; Froude s Hist. ; see Raumer and Wright's Collec- 



Lord Seymours intrigues had all along been carried on 
with unabated vigour. He had endeavoured to ingratiate 
himself with the landowners who were offended by- 
Somerset's measures. He had endeavoured to secure 
adherents, with the assistance of Dorset and Northampton, 
among those gentlemen and yeomen who had nothing to 
gain by the maintenance of the existing Government. He 
had acquired all the stewardships and manors he could in 
order to increase his influence in the country. He had 
begun to store arms and ammunition in Holt Casde, and 
had arranged with Sharington, the fraudulent treasurer of 
the Mint at Bristol, for money sufficient to raise ten thou- 
sand men, an army he openly boasted about.* With the 
pirates and privateers he had always continued on friendly 
terms, in spite of the many complaints made against them, 
which came before him at the Admiralty, and to which he 
paid no attention. When some notorious pirate was cap- 
tured he was invariably, before long, set at liberty. The 
cargoes of such piratical craft as were taken were never 
restored to the merchants who owned them, and the 
Admiral's followers were frequently to be seen wearing 
ornaments known to have been plundered. t 

Such was the state of affairs at the time of Queen 
Catherine's death, almost immediately after which he began 
again to attempt to win the hand of Elizabeth, whose 
servants he bribed in order to open a direct correspondence, 
which she appears to have encouraged considerably. So 
certain did he soon become of his ultimate success, owing 
to her encouragement, that he began to make the minutest 
inquiries into her fortune and the management of her 
estates, and even to offer his counsel as to various exchanges 
of property.^ (Note 17.) 

However much the Council and the Protector, however, 
might be inclined to overlook Seymour's other misdeeds, 
they had no intention of allowing him to marry Elizabeth 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Haynes ; Froude. 
t Froude's Hist. 
X Hayncs. 

E 2 



and thus obtain a power which would enable him to throw 
the country into confusion, if not into a civil war. Russell 
and others repeatedly warned him against any attempt at 
marrying the Princess or carrying on his schemes for 
obtaining more power, but it was of no avail. Seymour 
thought himself sufficiently strong to defy all. He 
counted on the adherence of Dorset and Northampton, 
on his munitions of war at Holt Castle, and on the money 
to raise an army which Sharington was to supply. He 
began to talk openly to the Earl of Rutland of ending the 
Protectorate, and even approached Wriothesley on the 
subject. In the latter he found himself at once mistaken. 
" My lord," said Wriothesley, " beware how you attempt 
any violence. It were better that you had never been 
born, yea, that you had been burnt quick alive, than that 
you should attempt it." * 

As much of the conspiracy as Wriothesley had heard, 
he communicated at once to the Council, and shortly after 
the Earl of Rutland brought an accusation against Sey- 
mour, apparently concerning the words he had spoken to 
him. Several Council meetings were held and, as a result, 
the Protector summoned Seymour to an interview. The 
latter refused to attend, upon which the Council sent Sir 
Thomas Smith and Sir John Baker to arrest him 
1549. at Seymour Place, January I7,f and to convey him 
to the Tower. 

Some time previous to this the Lady Jane Grey, whom 
her father had handed over to Seymour, and who became 
one of his household, being apparently his ward,J had 
been sent back to her father's house by order of the 
Council. During her residence in his house, Seymour 
appears to have treated her with every courtesy and kind- 
ness, and to have intended to marry her to the King. 
Though but a child of eleven, the following letter from 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; State Papers. 

t Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies ; Sir Harris 
Nicholas, Memoirs of Lady Jane Grey, p. 14. 



her to Seymour is not without interest, as showing not 
only the esteem she had for him, but as an example of her 
own draughtsmanship. The penmanship of the original 
is remarkably beautiful. A fac-simile may be seen in 
Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies : 

" My duty to your lordship in most humble wise re- 
membered, with no less thanks for the gentle letters which 
I received from you. 

"Thinking myself so much bound to your lordship for 
your great goodness towards me from time to time, that I 
cannot by any means be able to recompense the least part 
thereof, 1 proposed to write a few rude lines unto your 
lordship, rather as a token to show how much worthier 1 
think your lordship's goodness, than to give worthy thanks 
for the same, and these my letters shall be to testify unto 
you that, like as you have become towards me a loving 
and kind father, so I shall be always most ready to obey 
your Godly monitions and good instructions, as becometh 
one upon whom you have heaped so many benefits. And 
thus, fearing lest I should trouble your lordship too much, 
I most humbly take my leave of your good lordship. 
Your humble servant, during my life, Jane Grey." This 
letter is endorsed, " My Lady Jane, ist October, 1548." 

The Admiral being safely lodged in the Tower, his 
adherents were speedily taken and imprisoned also ; Sir 
John Harington, Sir William Sharington, Sir Thomas 
Parry, John Fowler, and Mrs. Ashley, the Princess Eliza- 
beth's governess, being placed in the Tower on the 1 8th, 
the day following the Admiral's arrest.* Many of his 
friends and accomplices, however, as usual in such cases, 
made haste to save themselves at his expense. An inquiry 
had already been commenced respecting the conduct of 
Sharington, and Seymour had endeavoured to shield him 
by taking into his custody all the compromising books and 
papers he could get, and by strongly asserting his innocence. 
He had even declared that certain large sums were owed 
to him by Sharington, whereas, in reality, the debt was the 
* Diet. Nat. Biog. 



other way about, in the hope of enabling his friend to 
account for some of the deficit.* Now, however, 
Sharington threw himself on the mercy of the Council 
and confessed all his frauds at the Bristol Mint, amounting 
to about £40,000. 

The Earl of Dorset confessed the Admiral's agreement 
with him to marry Jane Grey to the King. The cannon 
foundries were discovered, and over thirty pieces of cannon 
and quantities of powder and shot were seized, as well as 
all the arms in Holt Castle. The secret dealings with the 
pirates were laid bare, and all the other features of the 
conspiracy,* which might have been successful had it been 
better managed. 

An inquiry had also been begun to ascertain how far the 
Admiral had gone in his attempts to win the Princess 
Elizabeth, and Sir Thomas Tyrwhit had been sent down 
to Hatfield, at the beginning of February, to interview 
the Princess. The following letter was sent by her to the 
Protector on February 6. It follows the long letter, dated 
January 28, which was printed in Haynes' Burleigh papers, 
and more recently in Miss Strickland's Queens of 
England (vol. 4, p. 40), and precedes the formal confession 
which she made on the following day : " My lord, I have 
received your gende letter and also your message by 
Master Tyrwhit, for the which two things especially 
(although for many other things) I cannot give your lord- 
ship sufficient thanks, and whereas your grace doth will 
me to credit Master Tyrwhit, I have done so, and will do 
so as long as he willeth me (as he doth not) to nothing 
but to that which is for mine honour and honesty. And 
even as I said to him and did write to your lordship, so I 
do write now again, that when there doth any more things 
happen in my mind which I have forgotten, I assure your 
grace I will declare them most willingly, for I would not 
(as I trust you have not) so evil an opinion that I would 
conceal anything that I knew ; for it were to no purpose, 
and surely forgetfulness may well cause me to hide things, 
* Froude's Hist. 



but undoubtedly else I will declare all that I know. From 
Hatfield, the 6th of February, your assured friend to my 
little power, Elizabeth." * 

The Princess's confession amounted to very little, 
certainly to far less than she could have said had she been 
inclined. Her governess, Catharine Ashley, and Parry 
the coifferer, however, on their examination, confessed to 
the most astonishing particulars as to the improper free- 
doms which Seymour had used towards the Princess,f 
— making disclosures that, in honour of Elizabeth's great 
name, we will not repeat here. Suffice it to say that her 
governess and most of the persons about her were imme- 
diately dismissed for gross neglect of duty in permitting 
such things to pass unnoticed. £ 

On the 20th of February, the Lord Privy Seal, South- 
ampton, and Secretary Petre were sent to examine the 
Admiral and his confederates in the Tower.§ They re- 
ported to the Council that he was accused of forming, 
with Sharington and others, a conspiracy against the 
Government, and of committing many misdemeanours 
in his office of High Admiral ; that he was charged with 
protecting pirates and sharing in their plunder, and finally 
with refusing justice to those who complained to him of 
these outrages. (Appendix A.) As a result of these 
examinations,!! thirty-three articles of accusation were 
drawn up against him,f and on the 23rd, the whole 
Council, with the exception of the Protector, Archbishop 
Cranmer, and Baker, waited upon him in the Tower and 
exhorted him to make some reply to these charges.** Sey- 
mour, however, refused to make any reply or defence and 
demanded an open trial. ft This the Council would not 

* Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies. 

t Haynes ; Froude's Hist. 

X Froude's Hist. 

$ Diet. Nat. Biog. s Froude. 

[| These are printed in Havnes, pp. 65-107. 

IT These are printed in Acts, P.C., 1547-50, pp. 248-256. 

** Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude. 

ft Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude. 



grant, owing probably to the fear that the Princess Eliza- 
beth's character might be damaged if the disclosures 
necessary in an open trial were to become public property. 

Many of the charges against him had, in the meantime, 
been fully proved, not only by witnesses but also by his own 
letters.* The Council, therefore, reported the result of 
their interview with Seymour, to the King, and to the Pro- 
tector on the following day. (Note 1 8.) A deputation from 
both Houses of Parliament was then sent to him, consisting 
of the Lord Chancellor, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Warwick, 
and Southampton ; Sir John Baker, Sir Thomas Cheney, 
and Sir Anthony Denny. These, however, failed to gain 
any satisfactory reply, for, though the Admiral went so far 
as to admit the truth of the first three charges, he stead- 
fastly refused to make any reply to the others.f 

After considering the matter and the evidence before 
them, the Council unanimously declared that his offences 
amounted to high treason, and, on the 25th, framed a Bill 
of attainder which was introduced into the House of 
Lords, J and read a first time on the spot, and a second and 
third on the two days following, without a dissenting voice.§ 
In the Commons, however, Seymour still had some ad- 
herents, and there the question was debated for some 
time in a crowded house of fully 400 members. || In the 
end the Bill passed its third reading in the Lower House, 
March 4, only ten or twelve members voting against it.^f 

The Bill was now sent to the Crown with a request that 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Froude's Hist, j Diet. Nat. Biog. 

% Printed in Statutes of the Realm, IV, i, 61-5. 

§ Diet. Nat. Biog. 

|( Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist. 

1F Lords' Journals, i, 345, et seq. In the Diet. Nat. Biog. Mr. 
Pollard says : "An Act of 1547 had swept away all treasons created 
since the statute of 1352, and the Council's decision has been gener- 
ally regarded as illegal ; but Seymour's dealings with pirates and 
measures for securing adherents might plausibly be construed as 
' levying war upon the King,' and his connivance at Sharington's 
frauds as ' counterfeiting the King's money,' while his general 
conduct was undoubtedly a menace to the peace of the realm." 



"justice might have place," and the Council waited on the 
King for a warrant appointing the date and place of exe- 
cution ; but " forasmuch as the Council did perceive that 
the case was so heavy and lamentable to the Lord Pro- 
tector, if the King's Highness was so pleased, they said 
that they would proceed without further troubling or 
molesting either His Highness or the Lord Protector." 

Somerset, it seems, on the authority of Elizabeth, would 
still have interfered to save his brother, and it was found 
necessary to prevent an interview between them if the 
sentence was to be carried out.* From the first he had 
endeavoured to overcome the Admiral's jealousy by kind- 
ness, and he maintained the same tenderness to the end. 
Seymour's last action, however, showed that his hatred had 
not diminished. 

The warrant was signed on the 17th of March, and the 
execution appointed to take place on the 20th, on Tower 
Hill. Ever since the sentence had been pronounced, 
Seymour seems to have exhibited the greatest rage and 
resentment against the Council and against his own 
friends, but more than all against his brother. If we are 
to believe Latimer, he spent his last days writing letters to 
Elizabeth and Mary, urging them to conspire against the 
Protector, and, lest these letters should be seized, he con- 
cealed them in the sole of his shoe. When before the 
block his last words were an injunction to his servant not 
to fail in delivering them.f For the rest, he went boldly 
to his death, and met it without flinching, though it took 
more than one blow of the axe to sever his head from 
his body.£ 

* " I heard my Lord of Somerset say, that if his brother had 
been suffered to speak with him, he had never suffered, but great 
persuasion was made to him." — Elizabeth to Mary, quoted in 
r roude. 

t The words were overheard. The servant was examined, and 
the letters were found. They had been written with great ingen- 
uity. " He made his ink so craftilv and with such workmanship 
as the like had not been seen. He made his pen of the aglet of a 
point that he plucked from his hose." — Latimer's Sermons, quoted 
in Froude's Hist. X Froude's Hist. 



"Lingard, Maclean, and others have maintained that 
Seymour's abilities were superior to those of his brother, 
but the evidence is not conclusive. He was undoubtedly 
a capable soldier, of great personal powers and handsome 
features, and he won the affections of many of those with 
whom he was brought into contact. But these qualities 
were marred by unscrupulous ambition, an overbearing 
disposition, and, according to Latimer, moral profligacy.* 
He was accurately described by Elizabeth as 4 a man of 
much wit and very little judgment.' " f 

Lord Seymour's body was apparendy taken to the 
Tower and there buried, though some have said it was 
removed to Great Bedwyn, in Wilts. He left no children, 
his only daughter having died in infancy.^ 

There is a portrait of him, by Holbein, at Longleat ; a 
miniature, by the same artist, is at Sudeley, in the possession 
of Mrs. Dent, who has reproduced it in her " Annals of 
Winchcombe and Sudeley." Anonymous portraits are at 
Sudeley, in the Wallace Collection, and in the possession of 
Sir G. D. Clerk, Bart.§ (Note 19.) 

[Sir John Maclean's Life of Sir T. Seymour (privately printed 
in 1869, and not in the British Museum Library) is written 
mainly from contemporary MSS., addit. MSS. 5751 (ff. 295, 
307), 5753 (ff. 20, 48, 137), 6705 (f. 62), 19398 (f. 52) ; 
Froude's Hist. ; Letters and Papers, Henry VIII ; Grey friars 
Chronicle ; Ellis, Shoreditch ; Wriothesley's Chronicle ; State 
Papers, Henry VIII ; Chronicles of Calais ; Lords' Journals ; 
Oppenheim, Administration of the Navy ; Correspondence 
Politique ; Literary Remains, Edward VI ; Wood's Letters 
of Royal and Illustrious Ladies ; Bapst., Deux Gentilshommes 
Poetes, pp. 338-9 ; Cotton MS. ; Latimer's Sermons ; Dic- 
tionary National Biography; Ty tier's Henry VIII, &c] 

* Cranmer also described him as one of the most profligate and 
desperate persons that ever lived, 
t Quoted from Diet. Nat. Biog. 
t Edmundson's Peerage. 

§ Diet. Nat. Biog. {cf. Cat. Victorian Exhib., Nos. 185, 209, 
443, 1077 > Cat. First Loan Exhib., No. 181). 


From a picture at Bidstrode, by kind permission of the Lady Gwendolen Ramsden. 




Edward Seymour was born about 1506,* and is first 

mentioned as acting in the capacity of Page of 
1506. Honour to Mary Tudor on her marriage with 

the King of France in 1514.! His youth was 
1 5 14. passed first at Oxford and then at Cambridge, J at 

which places he not only obtained such education 
as was then thought sufficient, but was also able to devote 
much of his time to such exercises of arms as were then 
in vogue, and in which he became as proficient as the best 
men of his day. 

On the 15th of July, 15 17, he was associated with his 

father in a grant to be constables and doorwards of 
1 5 1 7. Bristol Castle, and to enjoy the same with as ample 

powers as had belonged to Giles, Lord Daubeney.§ 
This appears not to have been the first time that he 
received notice from the King, for, in the previous year, 
his name is mentioned amongst those of the Gentlemen of 
the Privy Chamber.ll 

In 1522 he appears to have been deputed, with his 

father, to attend upon Charles V during his visit 
1 ^ 'to England,^ and, in the following year, he accom- 

* According to an inscription on an anonymous portrait at 
Sudeley (Cat. Tudor Exhib., No. 196). 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Wood, Athenae Oxon., i, 210 ; Cooper, Athena; Cant., i, 

§ Brewer, State Papers, Nos. 3474, 4446. 

II Brewer, State Papers, No. 2735. 

if Chapuys, Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, x, 1069. 



panied the Duke of Suffolk in an expedition into France.* 
Cardinal Wolsey, who was then the King's first 

1523. minister, was so much interested in this cam- 
paign, owing partly to his hatred of the French, 

that he went over to Calais that he might superintend the 
management of the expedition in person. The English 
army numbered about 14,000 men, but these were soon 
joined by the Imperialists, under the Count de Bure, to 
the number of 11,000 foot and 6,000 horse. The Car- 
dinal's idea appears to have been to march straight into 
the heart of France, and he made the mistake, owing to 
his anxiety to rush forward and strike one decisive blow, 
of leaving in his rear many fortified places such as 
Terouenne, Hedin, and Montreuille. They took Corbie, 
then crossed the Somme, took Roye and Montdidier — 
the latter having a garrison of 1,200 men — and several 
other places, and struck terror into the French by appear- 
ing within 7 leagues of Paris. This success had been 
very rapid, but now the want of caution, shown by the 
Cardinal in his orders, began to tell. The Imperialists 
had received no pay, and refused to continue ; the English 
were unable to replace the artillery and transport horses 
they had lost in their hurried march ; the winter was fast 
approaching ; and the French were collecting two armies, 
one in their front, and the other in their rear. There was 
nothing for it but to return to Calais, which was done in 
good order and with great skill, and to withdraw the 
garrisons that had been placed in the towns they had 
captured. The expedition thus proved fruitless. 

In this campaign Seymour appears to have rendered 
considerable service. He was present at the 

1524. capture of Bray, Roye, and Montdidier, and 
received the honour of knighthood on Novem- 
ber 1 at the hands of the Duke of Suffolk.f 

On his return home he was placed on the Commission 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Martin's Hist. Eng., 311 ; Lloyd's States- 
men and Favourites, 145. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



for the Peace in Wiltshire,* January 12, and soon after 
was appointed Master of the Horse to the Duke of Rich- 
mond, t He appears now to have become a 
1525. personal favourite of the King's, who made him 
an esquire of his household.^ This liking seems 
to have been due, in the first place, to Henry's passion for 
tilts and tournaments, in which Seymour made a consider- 
able show. On one occasion we find him chosen as one 
of the challengers in a tournament which took place at 
Greenwich during some Christmas festivities. 

In July, 1527, when Cardinal Wolsey was sent over to 
make negotiations for peace with the French 

1527. King,§ Sir Edward Seymour accompanied him, 
and was present at the interview at Amiens, where 

the Cardinal's appearance rivalled that of King Francis, 
though the latter was attended by the King of Navarre 
and the chief nobility of France. 

In 1528, Sir Edward received some grants of lands 
belonging to various monasteries which were dis- 

1528. solved as a consequence of Wolsey's visitation, and, 
in March of the following year, he was granted 

the stewardship of the manors of Henstridge, in Somerset, 
and Charlton, in Wilts. (Note 20.) In 1530 he received, 

jointly with his brother-in-law, Sir Anthony Ugh- 
1530. tred, the manors of Kexby, Leppington, and Bar- 

thorpe, in Yorkshire, all formerly the property of 
Wolsey. II In September he was appointed esquire to the 
body to the King, who continued to show great favour 
towards him, occasionally lending him money, and more 
frequently borrowing it.f (Henry VIII appears seldom 
to have remembered his debts, though he was less forget- 
ful of those due to him.) 

* Brewer, State Papers, Henrv VIII, No. 1049 (12). 

t Brewer, State Papers, Henry VIII, Nos. 151 2, 4536. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. 

§ Chron. of Calais, p. 37. 

II Diet. Nat. Biog. 

1 Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, vols. 4, 5, and 6. 



In 1532, Seymour, together with his father, accompanied 
the King to Boulogne to meet Francis I.* During 
1532. this year a dispute, apparently originating from a 
transaction of the previous year,f arose between 
him, on the one side, and Lord Lisle and John Dudley, 
afterwards Duke of Northumberland, on the other, about 
some lands in Somerset. (Note 2 1 .) This quarrel lasted 
many years, and was the subject of a great deal of corre- 
spondence, which is now in the Record Office.^ On the 
last day of this year we find Seymour presenting the 
King with a sword having a gilded hilt, with the word 
" Kalenders " upon it, as a New Year's gift.§ 

For the next three years he appears to have divided his 
time between his attendance at Court and his private 
affairs, and to have kept out of the events that occurred at 
that time, taking no part in the downfall of Wolsey or 
the marriage and death of Anne Boleyn. His position 
required him, however, to be frequently at Court, and he 
attended Anne's coronation, at which he officiated as 
carver for the Archbishop, who sat at the Queen's 

1535. board. II In March, 1535, he received a grant of 
various lands in Hampshire, formerly belonging to 

the Convent of the Holy Trinity, Christchurch, London, 
and in October he received a visit from the King at his 
seat of Elvetham, in Hants.^f 

The King was now beginning to make advances to the 
Lady Jane Seymour, who, as we have seen in her 

1536. life, rejected his proposals and gifts, a refusal which 
rendered her still more attractive to the King, 

unaccustomed as he was to find virtue and honour 
amongst the ladies of his Court. He therefore, as we 
have already noticed, promised on his honour not to see 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Gairdner's State Papers. 

X Wood's Letters of Illustrious Ladies, iii, 41 ; Gairdner's 
Letters and Papers, vols. 7-1 1. 
§ Gairdner's State Papers (686). 

I Gairdner's State Papers (562). 

II Diet. Nat. Biog. 



or converse with her except in the presence of at least one 
of her relatives. Sir Edward Seymour was, in conse- 
quence, made a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, and 
given apartments in Greenwich Palace, which he now 
occupied with his wife (Anne), where the King might at 
times come and converse with Jane in their presence.* 

On the 5th of June, a week after the marriage of Jane 
Seymour to Henry VIII, Sir Edward was created Viscount 
Beauchamp, of Hache, in Somerset, and two days later he 
received a grant of the manors of Ambresbury, Easton 
Priory, Chippenham, and Maiden Bradley, all situated in 
Wiltshire. (Note 22.) A month later he was made 
Chancellor and Chamberlain of North Wales, and Captain 
and Governor of the Isle of Jersey,f an appointment 
which had just been vacated by Sir Thomas Vaux, Lord 
Harrowden. January 30 of the following year he was 
granted the manor of Muchelney, in Somerset.^ 
1537. In addition to these lands, and to those previously 
granted him, he now had the paternal estate, which 
he had inherited from his father, who had died in the 
winter of 1536. (Note 23.) 

On May the 22nd he was made a Privy Councillor, and 
was appointed one of the Commission for the trial of 
Lord Darcy and Lord Hussey, who had taken a leading 
part in the "Pilgrimage of Grace."§ On the 15th of 
October he was present at his nephew's, Edward VPs, 
christening, at which function he was deputed to carry the 
Princess Amongst the honours conferred on 
that occasion, he received the Earldom of Hertford. ^| 
(Note 24.) 

His influence and power were now becoming great, 
and he might soon have reached one of the highest places 

* Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, x, 601. 
t Gairdner's State Papers. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Tanner's Notitia, p. 601, says Maiden 
Bradley was granted at the same time. 
& State Papers, Henry VIII. 
II Wriothesley's Chronicle, i, 68. 
i\ Gairdner's Letters and Papers, 939. 

6 4 


that a subject could occupy but that a severe blow was in 
store for him, affecting not only his private affections, but, 
in addition, causing him to lose much of his importance 
at the Court. This was the death of his sister, Queen 
Jane. There is a curious document in Gairdner's State 
Papers (732) which describes him, amongst other nobles, 
and which seems of sufficient interest to find place here. 
" The names of all the nobility in England, their ages, 
and their activeness.* The Duke of Norfolk, 72 years, 
the chief and best captain. The Duke of Suffolk, of the 
same age, a good man and captain, sickly, and half lame. 
The Marquis of Exeter, 36, lusty and strong of power, 
specially beloved, deseased of the gout, and nearer unto 
the crown of any man within England. The Marquess 
of Dorset, 26, young, lusty, and poor, of great posses- 
sions, but which (?) are not in his hands, many friends of 
great power, with little or no experience, well learned, and 
a great wit. The Earl of Oxford, of 66 years, a man of 
great power and little experience. The Earl of Arundel, 
60, a man of great power, little wit, and less experience ; 
his son young and lusty, of good wit, and like to do well. 
The Earl of Shrewsbury, of great power, young and 
lusty, of little wit, and no experience. The Earl of 
Derby, the greatest of power and land, young, and a child 
in wisdom, and half a fool. The Earl of Cumberland, a 
man of 50 years, of good power, without discretion or 
conduct. The Earl of Westmoreland, of like age, of a 
great power, without wit or knowledge. The Earl of 
Rutland, of like age, of great power, with small wit, and 
little discretion. The Earl of Essex, an old man, of little 
wit and less experience, without power. The Earl of 
Sussex, of 50 years, of small power and little discretion, 
and many words. The Earl of Wiltshire, of 60, of 

* This is printed by Brady, not as an entire document but as 
part of a document " found lately among some loose papers in the 
Archivio di Stato at Rome." The date must be after July, 1 538, 
when the young Earl of Shrewsbury, Francis, succeeded his father, 
and before the following November, when the Marquis of Exeter 



small power, wise, and little experience, Queen Anne's 
father. The Earl of Hampton and Admiral of England, 
made by the King ; wise, active, and of good experience, 
one of the best captains in England. The Earl of Bath, 
old and foolish. The Earl of Worcester, young and 
foolish, and of great power in Wales. The Earl of Hert- 
ford, young and wise, of small power, and brother unto 
the last Queen deceased. The Earl of Huntingdon, of 
60 years, of great power, little discretion, and less 

Though now " of small power," the Earl of Hertford 
continued to be employed in various ways. At 

1538. the close of this year, probably December, he was 
appointed one of a Commission for the trial of the 

Marquis of Exeter, Lord Montagu, and others.* In the 
May previous he is mentioned among those present at the 
execution of Friar Forest.f In March, 1539, he 

1539. was sent over to France to inspect the fortifications 
and secure the defences of Calais and Guisnes, 

returning in April, on the 1 6th of which month he was 
given a grant of Chester Place, outside Temple Bar. J [n 
the following August he received a visit from the King at 
Wolfhall, which lasted four days. Particulars of this visit 
may be seen in the Wilts Archaeological Magazine (xv, 
App. No. iv). In order to make room for the King's 
numerous suite, Hertford was compelled to utilise the 
famous old barn there, which he had at first fitted up as a 
ball room, as a lodging for himself and his family.§ At 
meals, of which there were two a day, covers were laid 
for 200, but this large number was not entirely composed 
of the King's suite ; the more important of the neighbour- 
ing gentry, who were invited, thinking it necessary to the 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Wriothesley's Chron. 

t Wriotheslcy's Chron. 

§ This barn, of stone, wood, and thatch, was 172 feet long and 
26 feet wide, inside measurement. There is a drawing of it in the 
Wilts. Arcrueolog. Mag., vol. xv. 




upkeep of their dignity to bring as many attendants with 
them as possible. The expenses of this entertainment did 
not fall altogether upon Lord Hertford, for the King's pur- 
veyors provided a great part of the banquets, and the 
gentry of the neighbourhood assisted with presents of 
game, fish, fowls, &c. 

Towards the end of August he received a grant of the 
Charterhouse at Sheen,* and, in the December following, 
was sent by the King to meet Anne of Cleves at Calais, 
and escort her to London. According to a letter of his to 
Cromwell this new marriage of the King's gave him the 
greatest satisfaction.! 

In the early part of May, his private fortunes were 

considerably advanced, for he succeeded to the 
1 540. Sturmy Estate, being cousin and heir to Sir William 

Sturmy, or Esturmy.| As these estates joined 
his own, they were of great value to him. The estate at 
Maiden Bradley had come to him partly by a grant from the 
King and partly from his second marriage with Anne, 
daughter of Sir Edward Stanhope. These estates, as well 
as those he had received before, were now entailed upon 
the children of his second wife by special Act of Parlia- 
ment^ The two sons he had had by his first wife 
Catherine, daughter of Sir William Fillol, were thus com- 
pletely cut out from the succession, not only of the pro- 
perty but of the titles as well. (Note 25.) According to 
many of the chroniclers of the time, Hertford seems to 
have been greatly influenced in the matter by his second 
wife. From the first he is said to have been divorced, II 
but there appears to be some doubt about it. In any case 
she appears to have been dead before Hertford married 
Anne Stanhope, and certainly some time before the Act 

* Wriothesley's Chron., i, 105. 
t Letters and Papers, xiv, i, 1275. 

X Gairdner, State Papers, grants in July, 1541, 947 (38). 
§ Act of 1 540. — Gairdner, State Papers. 

|| According to a manuscript note in Vincent's Baronage in the 
College of Arms, which has been generally copied. 



for disinheriting her sons was passed.* Concerning this 
special entail, Heylyn writes :f " There goes a story that 
the Earle having been formerly employed in France, did 
there acquaint himself with a learned man, supposed to 
have great skill in magick ; of whom he obtained, by 
great rewards and importunities, to let him see, by the 
help of some magical perspective, in what estate all his 
relations stood at home. In which impertinant curiosity, 
he was so far satisfied, as to behold a gentleman of his 
acquaintance in a more familiar posture with his wife, than 
was agreeable to the honour of either party. To which 
diabolical illusion, he is said to have given so much credit, 
that he did not only estrange himself from her society at 
his coming home, but furnished his next wife with an 
excellent opportunity for pressing him to the disinheriting 
of his former children." Can it be that the above 
unlikely tale was the foundation for the later story of 
Catherine's unfaithfulness which has obtained general 
credence ? It almost seems so. 

Hertford's power was now again increasing, and 
even Cromwell's fall during this year made no 
1 541. alteration or diminution in the favour with which 
Henry regarded him. He had been made a Privy 
Councillor, and, during the preceding year, had been very 
diligent in the discharge of such business as came before 
the Council,^ in recognition of which activity, probably, 
he was made a Knight of the Garter§ (January 9). Shortly 
after this he was employed, together with Sir Edward 
Carne, in a mission to France to settle the boundaries ot 
the English and French territories near Calais, but no 
satisfactory arrangement could be made with the French In February he was deputed to report 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 319. 
t Heylyn's Edward VI. 

X Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 
§ Gairdner, State Papers, 440. 

([ Gairdner, State Papers, 510, 523-30 ; Corr. de MaHUac, 
pp. 257-266. 

F 2 



upon the state of the defences at Calais,* and to remove 
Sir John Wallop, the governor of that town, and place Sir 
Edward Rangeley in his stead. Soon after his return 
home, he received a great mark of the King's favour and 
trust, for to him was entrusted the principal management 
of affairs in London, in conjunction with Cranmer and 
Lord Audley, during Henry's progress in the north, which 
lasted from July to November ;f immediately after which 
he was employed in a matter of the utmost delicacy, being, 
together with Cranmer, the recipient of the charges of 
adultery made against Catherine Howard. J 

In September, 1542, Hertford served in a cam- 
paign on the borders of Scotland, under the Duke 
1 542. of Norfolk, and was appointed Warden of the Scot- 
tish marches with very large powers, enabling him to 
levy and arm the tenants, farmers, and inhabitants of the 
northern counties, to confer titles and determine causes, 
&c. He soon found, however, that he was unable to 
carry out all that he desired to do for the safety of the 
borders, owing to the supineness of the Council of the 
North, and that he was making enemies for himself 
through his habit of writing full and true accounts of 
what was going on to the King, a proceeding which, 
though pleasing to Henry, did not meet with approval in 
other quarters. Indeed his friend Paget had to write and 
caution him on this subject on more than one occasion. 
(Note 26.) Fortunately, perhaps, for him, he was recalled 
in November, at his own request.§ 

He now resumed his attendance at Court, and soon 
received another mark of the King's favour, for, in 
December, he was made Lord High Admiral. This 
post, however, he did not retain long, for on his appoint- 
ment as Great Chamberlain, the January following, he 

* Gairdner, State Papers ; Proc. Privy Council, vii, 130. 

t State Papers, i, 660-690. 

t Hume, Chron. Henry VIII, p. 82. 

§ Gairdner, State Papers ; Hamilton Papers (from the Longleat 


6 9 

1543. resigned in favour of Lord Lisle.* Later in 
the year he again had the honour of entertaining 

the King for a few days at Wolfhall.f 

On the 5th of March, in the following year, he was 
appointed Lieutenant-General in the North, with 

1 544. orders to prepare an army for the invasion of 
Scotland, for the purpose of punishing the Scots, 

who had broken the existing treaty, and made an alliance 
with France.^ Accompanied by Sir Ralph Sadler, he 
repaired to Newcastle to await the arrival of the army and 
fleet, and to arrange about supplies, which, being scarce in 
the north, had to be brought from London and other 
ports. Proclamations had meanwhile been issued naming 
Henry guardian of the young Scottish Queen and Pro- 
tector of the Realm,§ and many of the Scotch Protestants 
had offered to join Hertford and to assassinate Cardinal 
Beaton, who was looked upon as the author of the war. 
Hertford, however, refused their assistance. 

Owing to contrary winds, the expedition was delayed 
for some time at Newcastle, but on the 1st of May the 
Earl set out with 200 sail of transports and arrived in the 
Firth of Forth on the 3rd. He at once began operations 
by burning St. Mcnance and removing the shipping he 
found there. On the 4th, he landed ten thousand men at 
Grantham Cragg, took Blackness Castle, and advanced 
upon Leith. Here he was confronted by about 6,000 
Scottish horse, with some artillery, who, however, retired 
upon Edinburgh after firing a few shots. The garrison 
of Leith made so slight a resistance that the town was 
captured with the loss of but two or three men. II 

Hertford was now reinforced by the arrival of 4,000 
light horse under Lord Evers. Leith was made into 
the headquarters of the expedition, the fleet was brought 

* State Papers, Henry VIII. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 
X Diet. Nat. Biog. 

<^ Proclamations, Addit. MS., 32654, 49, 58. 
II Hertford's Letters, Addit. MS. 



Into the harbour, the heavy artillery and stores were 
landed, and in a few days the Earl commenced his march 
on Edinburgh. On the way he was met by the Provost 
of Edinburgh, who had come to offer a capitulation of 
that town, on the condition that the inhabitants should be 
allowed to depart with all their goods and that the town 
itself should not be burnt. Hertford, however, would 
listen to no terms, insisting on an unconditional sur- 

Meanwhile the garrison of Edinburgh had received a 
reinforcement of about 2,000 horsemen, under the Earl 
of Bothwell and Lord Hume, and resolved to defend the 
town. Their resistance, however, was not of long dura- 
tion, for on the following day the Canongate was blown 
in by Sir Christopher Morris and the city captured. In 
the attack the Scots lost about 200 slain, and the remainder 
took refuge in the castle, the strength of which preserved 
it from assault.f 

The Earl, whose orders from the King and Council 
were to do all the damage he could,J set fire to the town 
after it had been pillaged for two days, and completely 
burnt it, the Abbey and Palace of Holyrood being de- 
stroyed with the rest. At the same time the country for 
six miles round was laid bare by Lord Evers' light horse- 

The army now retired to Leith, and the fleet was sent 
out to find and destroy all the shipping it could find in the 
Firth. In addition it destroyed many towns and villages 
on the banks, as well as the fortress on Inchgavey. 

This done, the Earl placed all his heavy artillery on 
board the fleet, which was also loaded with spoil, removed 
the shipping from the harbour, destroyed the pier, and 
burnt the town. On May 15th he was already on the 

* Correspondence of Lord Hertford, Addit. MS., 32654 ; 
Froude, &c. 

t Correspondence of Lord Hertford, Addit. MS., 32654 ; 
Froude, &c. 

% Hamilton Papers. 


march in the neighbourhood of Dunbar, where a Scot- 
tish force was drawn up to oppose him. No action, 
however, took place, and the town was set on fire in the 
night. On the 1 8th the army was back at Berwick.* 

The celerity and success of this expedition, which had 
only lasted eighteen days, were highly approved of by the 
King and Council, the more so as a considerable portion 
of the Earl's army was required at once to take part in an 
expedition into France. Lord Hertford himself returned 
in June, and the King, who intended to command the 
French expedition in person, chose him as Lieutenant 
of the Realm, under the Queen Regent, during his 
own absence. f 

The Earl did not, however, have to contend with the 
difficulties of this appointment for long, for on the 13th 
of August, being summoned by the King, he joined the 
army at Hardelot Castle, where he was employed as one 
of the Ambassadors to settle terms of peace with the 
French representatives. These negotiations proving fruit- 
less, Henry continued the siege of Boulogne, which he 
had already invested. This town soon surrendered to 
him. J 

" If the accounts given by the French writers of those 
times be true, Henry owed his success to treachery. 
Thus far at least is certain. De Vervins§ was afterwards 
brought to trial for his conduct on the occasion. He was 
charged with having agreed with the Earl of Hertford 
to capitulate for the sum of 150,000 rose nobles, and 
with having procured the assassination of Phillipe de 
Corse, whose honest bravery had thwarted his treacherous 
designs. The charges were considered as having been 
fully proved, and De Vervins was beheaded. "II 

Charles V had meanwhile been privately carrying on 

* Froude's Hist. ; Lord Hertford's Correspondence, &c. 
t Rymer, xv, 39 ; State Papers, Henry VIII, i, 765. 
X JVlemoires du Mareschal Vieillevtlle, 1822, i, 152. 
§ The Governor of that town. 
|] Nott. Surrey's Works, 69. 

7 2 


negotiations with the French, with the result that, within 
five days of the capture of Boulogne, a peace was con- 
cluded between him and the French King. Being thus 
left to carry on the war alone, Henry sent a deputation, 
of which Hertford was the head, to attend a conference 
of the three Powers at Calais (October 1 8). No result 
following this conference, Hertford and Gardiner were 
despatched to Brussels, where, after considerable diffi- 
culties and delays, they obtained three interviews with the 
Emperor, from which, however, they obtained no satis- 
factory terms for an alliance,* They were therefore 
recalled (November 21st), and preparations were made to 
renew the war, Hertford being given the command of the 

The following January, having examined and reported 
on the defences of Guisnes, the Earl joined his 
1545. army at Boulogne, and successfully defeated a 
determined attack made by the French on that 
place. They had encamped before it to the number of 
14,000 men, while Hertford's force numbered barely half 
the number. Undeterred, however, by the odds against 
him, the latter had sallied out in the morning, before 
dawn, with about 4,000 foot and 700 horse, and surprised 
the French with the suddenness and determination of his 
attack. They fled, panic-stricken, leaving their guns, 
stores, and ammunition to the victors. J 

Matters had not, meanwhile, gone so well for the 
English in the north, where they had suffered a severe 
defeat at the hands of the Scots. It was thought advis- 
able, therefore, to recall Hertford, whose signal victory 
had saved Boulogne for the time, and send him to the 
north as Lieutenant-General in place of the Earl of 
Shrewsbury.^ This was accordingly done in May, but it 
was not till August that the expedition was ready to start, 

* State Papers, 63, 119-36, 147. 
t State Papers, Addit. MS., 251 14, fF. 312, 315. 
t Life and Reign Henry VIII, Herbert, p. 250. 
§ Rymer, xv, 72. 



as Hertford found himself obliged to spend the whole 
summer making preparations, owing to the state in which 
his predecessor had left the army. Early in September 
he began his march, by Kelso and Jedburgh, meeting 
with but little opposition, and destroying everything in 
his path. According to a list which is still extant, he 
destroyed five market towns, two hundred and forty-three 
villages, and many castles and monasteries. This expe- 
dition did not occupy long, for he returned to Newcastle 
on the 27th.* (Appendix B.) 

In October, Hertford returned to London to attend 

Parliament and the Council, on whose business he 
1 546. was engaged throughout the winter, and remained 

there till March, when he was sent to supersede 
the Earl of Surrey in the command of Boulogne, the latter 
having failed to hold his own against the French. f In 
April he was appointed Lieutenant-General within the 
English pale in France and, having successfully re-opened 
the communications between Calais and Boulogne, which 
had been broken through Surrey's incompetence, was 
ordered to treat for a peace, which was concluded on 
April 7, but of which the terms were none too satis- 
factory for the English. In September, after a visit 
home, he again returned to Boulogne to destroy the forti- 
fications there, according to the terms of the treaty. J In 
October he seems to have been at Windsor, and, from 
that time to Henry's death, he appears to have been 
much at Court and to have been most assiduous in his 
attendances at the Council board, where his diligence and 
energy won for him the respect and affection of the other 
Councillors. § 

Owing to his rapid advancement, Hertford was now 
one of the most powerful nobles in England, and was 
generally looked upon as the head of the Protestant 

* Hamilton Papers, vol. 1 ; State Papers, 
t State Papers, xi, 60. 

J State Papers, i, 877, 879 ; De Selve, Corr. Pol. 
§ Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



faction, which was making great strides in the country, 
and towards which it was believed the King was inclining. 
This placed him in direct opposition to the Duke of 
Norfolk, the greatest and most powerful noble in the 
land. The Duke, however, being old and inclined 
towards peace and quiet, had already once endeavoured 
to bring about an alliance between the two families 
through a marriage between his daughter, the Duchess of 
Richmond, and Sir Thomas Seymour, Hertford's brother, 
but had been foiled in his project by his own son, the 
Earl of Surrey. He now again endeavoured to bring 
about the match, but with a similar result, and, not long 
after, the dramatic fall of his house left the Seymours 
without any powerful rival.* It has generally been 
asserted that Hertford took a prominent part in the 
downfall of the Howards, but though he officiated at 
Surrey's trial, he took no part in bringing it about, nor 
did he do anything afterwards to injure Norfolk. In his 
capital book, England under Protector Somerset, Mr. 
Pollard says : " Between Surrey and Hertford, indeed, 
there was no love lost. Hertford had taken part in the 
condemnation of Surrey three years before for his mid- 
night frolic in the City,f but it was Surrey who, detesting 
Hertford as an upstart, had scorned the proposed mar- 
riages between his and Hertford's children. He had 
dedicated poems and made other advances to Hertford's 
wife, which she had haughtily declined, and he had been 
enraged beyond bounds by his recall from the French 
command in Hertford's favour. But his fall was due to 
other causes. By quartering with his own the royal 

* Wriothesley's Chron., i, 177 ; Howard, Earl of Surrey, 1473- 
1554; Bapst.,358; Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, 151 7(?)-i 547. 

t On 1st April, 1543, Surrey was charged before the Privy 
Council with breaking windows in the City and shooting stones at 
peaceable citizens, and was sent to the Fleet. His companion in 
this prank was Sir William Pickering, afterwards Ambassador to 
France, and a suitor for Elizabeth's hand (Acts of the Privy 
Council, i, 104 ; Bapst., Deux Gentilshommes Poetes a la Cour 
d'Henri 8, p. 269). 



arms,* by claiming the protectorate for his father, he had 
roused Henry's jealous fear for his son's secure succes- 
sion, and it was Henry himself who drew up the charges 
against him. In this task he was aided by Lord Chan- 
cellor Wriothesley ; but both Wriothesley and Sir Richard 
Southwell — Surrey's original accuser — were staunch adhe- 
rents of Surrey's own religion, and bitter enemies of 

The King's life was now fast drawing to a close and 
Hertford was kept in constant attendance upon 
1547. him. On January 28, 1 547, Henry breathed his 
last at York House, now Whitehall, which he had 
confiscated from the Bishop of York. J He had spent 
the previous day in earnest conversation with Hertford 
and Sir William Paget, pointing out to them the con- 
dition of the country, urging them to follow out his 
scheme of uniting the Scotch and English Crowns by a 
marriage between Mary and young Edward, and earnestly 
commending the latter to the care of Charles V and 
Francis I. The Earl and Paget were with him to the 
last, receiving his injunctions and commands, and to them 
was entrusted Henry's last will.§ 

Some of the conditions contained in the latter, how- 
ever, Hertford thought it advisable to set aside, and, 
immediately on Henry's death, he held a long conversa- 
tion with Paget, pointing out his own views to him and 
promising, should he receive his assistance, to be guided 
at all times by his advice. (Note 27.) Paget falling in 
with his ideas, it was agreed between them that Henry's 
death should be kept secret till the young Prince could be 
brought to London, and that only so much of Henry's 
commands and of the contents of the will, as were 

* There was also the hideous charge that Surrey had urged his 
sister, the Duchess of Richmond, to assume the same relation to 

Henry VIII as Madame D'Ktampes held to Francis 1. 
t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 
t Grey friars Chron. 
§ Froude's Hist., &c. 

7 6 


absolutely necessary, should be made public at first.* 
(Note 28.) 

Within an hour of the King's death, Hertford hurried 
off to fetch the Prince, who was at the time with Eliza- 
beth at Hatfield, and returned with him to London on 
the 31st, on which day the King's death was officially 
announced. t The Council being in session, the terms of 
Henry's will were immediately discussed, by which it 
appeared that the royal authority was to be delegated 
upon sixteen executors, of whom the Earl of Hertford 
was one, with twelve Councillors to assist them. Paget 
then proposed that, as their number was too great for the 
proper carrying out of their regal powers, one man should 
be selected to bear the outward symbols of royalty, and 
proposed that the Earl of Hertford should be chosen as 
Protector.^ After some discussion this proposal was 
agreed to, in spite of the vehement opposition of 
Wriothesley, the Council, however, expressly stipulating 
that the Protector should only act " with the advice and 
consent of the rest of the executors."§ At the same time 
an enquiry was held into the intentions of the late King, 
by which it appeared that he had intended to confer 
honours upon various noblemen, a thing that was now 
done. Hertford was made High Steward of England 
(February 2), Treasurer of the Exchequer and Earl 
Marshal of England (February 10), created Baron Sey- 
mour of Hache (February 15), and Duke of Somerset 
(February i6).|| In the patent conferring the Barony it 
expressly said, as one of the reasons for conferring it, 
that the name of Seymour should not fall into oblivion, 
sunk in the titles he was to bear ; for to that name the 
King expressed a great attachment, on account of its 

* Froude's Hist. ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Tytler, England under 
Edward VI and Mary. 

t Lit. Remains, Edward VI. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist. 
§ Acts of the Privy Council, 11, 4-7. 
!1 Diet. Nat. Biog. 


from an old flint. 


having been borne by " his most beloved mother, Jane, 
late Queen of England." These new titles were limited 
on the children of his wife Anne, in strict conformity 
with the Act of 1 540. 

Somerset was now almost all powerful, but one great 
obstacle yet remained in his path. This was Wriothesley, 
who had been the chief opposcr of his elevation to the 
dignity of Protector, and who was likely to prove a serious 
obstacle to the execution of his designs. Wriothesley, 
however, now made a fatal mistake. He took upon him- 
self a power that was not his, and used the Great Seal 
without a warrant, for which serious offence he was imme- 
diately called before the Council. Instead of attending 
their summons he returned a threatening answer, which 
resulted in his being removed from the Chancellorship 
and from the Council.* (March 6.) On the 11th 
Somerset received a patent as Governor of the King and 
Protector of the Realm, by which he was empowered to 
name any fresh Councillors and to consult with such only 
as he should think propcr.f By this patent his power 
was very much increased, for he was no longer so de- 
pendent on the Council. (Note 29.) 

It is probable that in the history of England no states- 
man has ever had so difficult a task as that which now fell 
to Somerset's lot ; for never had the condition of affairs 
at home and abroad been more dangerous. The people 
at home were disunited both in politics and in religion, 
the poor were ground down with poverty and oppression, 
and the exchequer was not only empty but the coinage 
had been debased to the lowest point it has ever reached, 
except under the administration of Warwick. Although 
a nominal peace had just been concluded with France, the 
two nations remained practically at war, while the relations 
with Scotland were as hostile as they had been throughout 
Henry's reign. The fortifications round the English pale 
in France and round the English coast were in the worst 


* Acts of the Privy Council, 11, 48-59. 

t Froude's Hist. ; Acts of the Privy Council, 1 1, 6 $, 67. 



condition, and the navy had received no pay for months. 
The Pope was summoning all the powers of Rome to 
assist in firmly re-establishing the Catholic power in the 
kingdom, and even Charles V was not to be depended 
upon should he be able to conclude the war he was then 
engaged on.* 

Somerset at once took matters in hand and, by means 
of vigorous action and energy, soon succeeded in fortifying 
Newhaven, Blackness, the forts at Boulogne, Portsmouth, 
and other places. About ^35,000 (of our money) was 
at once sent to pay the arrears of the navy and workmen. 
Another large sum was sent to Calais to relieve its 
most urgent necessities. Commissioners were appointed 
to examine the state of other defensive places. Musters 
were held once a month, and the export duty on 
corn to Newhaven, Calais, and Boulogne was removed. 
The royal household expenses, which had been ^28,000 
during the previous six months, were reduced to ^14,000, 
out of which even the coronation expenses were paid.f 
The alloy in the coinage was reduced as far as possible at 
once, the improvement being met partly by making the 
coins smaller as well as purer ; but, even with this altera- 
tion, Somerset was unwilling that the young King's reign 
should commence with such debased money, and so 
coined the first issue in dies of the former reign, intending 
to make a further improvement the following year. J 

All this, however, was not done without great difficulty 
and some opposition. The corruption in high places 
which had begun under Henry VIII still continued and 
could not at once be checked. Somerset's position was 
by no means secure. The Council, with the King's con- 
sent, could remove him at any time, and many of them 
were already jealous. Indeed his very patent as Pro- 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 

t This economy continued during Somerset's power, but under 
Warwick's rule these expenses were increased to £56,000. — 
Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 

% See Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



tector was only signed by seven of them, and the statute 
still remained by which the King could, later on, repeal 
all the Acts which had been passed during his minority. 
" This," says Mr. Pollard, " cast a shadow of doubt 
over the measures of Edward VI, and gave colour to 
the contention that the Protector and his Council had 
no authority to disturb Henry's settlement in Church 
and State, on which Gardiner and Bonner based their 
opposition to the Government. It was thus, invested 
with a crippled authority and assured of doubtful support, 
that the Protector entered on a task which would have 
taxed the power of Henry VIII, and set to work to effect 
a revolution not merely in the established beliefs of the 
people, but in the spirit of administration and in the laws 
upon which it was based." 

The dismissal of Wriothesley and the changes that 
were made in the Council only slightly modified the 
difficulties in Somerset's way, but he was a man who was 
very tenacious of his opinions — opinions formed long 
before — which made him a believer in constitutional 
freedom. This, in spite of all opposition, he now en- 
deavoured to carry out.* 

One of his first actions was to set about reforming the 
abuses of the Church, but, though some of his reforms 
were most sweeping, he endeavoured always to act with 
prudence and moderation and to recognize the right of 
individuals to follow any religion they pleased. (Note 30.) 
This principle of a universal toleration he practically 
effected. Not a single soul suffered death or torture on 
account of his religious views during Somerset's pro- 
tectorate. In Henry's reign the fires at Smithfield had been 
ever busy. In Mary's and Elizabeth's they continued 
equally so. But during this interregnum Somerset would 
not allow one single soul to suffer, although there is no 
doubt that, in certain cases, great pressure was brought to 
bear on him.f 

* Pollard, 1901, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Pollard, 1901, England under Protector Somerset. 



His first act in ecclesiastical matters was to compel 
(February 6) all Bishops to exercise their office " durante 
beneplacito," and this was followed later on (November) 
by an Act ordering that their appointment should be by 
letters patent, which practically reduced them to the posi- 
tion of mere State officials, and so deprived them of their 
former power. A visitation was then made having for its 
object the assertion of the royal supremacy, the enforce- 
ment of the new law that services were to be held in 
English instead of Latin, and the removal of all such 
images as were likely to lead to idolatrous worship. This 
was strenuously opposed by the Bishops, Gardiner and 
Bonner, whose opposition reached such a pitch that it was 
found necessary to imprison them, if only for the sake of 
the public peace. (Note 31.) This occurred in June. 
The month following a book of homilies was published, 
and in November the administration of the Communion 
in both kinds was authorized by Parliament, who, at the 
same time, granted all colleges, chantries, and free chapels 
to the King.* 

The Protector had, on the 26th July, received a grant 
of 8,000 marks a year for the time he should hold office, 
in order that he might be better able to maintain his posi- 
tion with suitable dignity, and, on August 10, he received 
a grant authorizing him to bear an augmentation to his 
coat of arms. It consisted of a part of the royal arms, 
and comprehended whatever Queen Jane had been 
allowed to bear, except the crown and the distinctive 
marks of royalty. (Note 32.) This grant was couched 
in the most complimentary terms, and extended, through 
the Protector, to the entire Seymour family for ever. 

Somerset's hands were now very full, not only with 
Church matters, but also with negotiations with Scotland. 
"He held in his hands," says Mr. Pollard, "all the 
threads of government ; except when away on his Scot- 
tish campaign or on tours of inspection he never missed 
a meeting of the Council, and he seems to have been 
* Diet. Nat. Biog. 



present at every sitting of Parliament. The manage- 
ment of foreign affairs he retained in his own hands, 
assisted only by two secretaries, who were almost exclu- 
sively Secretaries for Foreign Affairs. All diplomatic cor- 
respondence was submitted to him, and he dictated or 
directed the tenor of all communications to foreign States." 
The Ambassadors were always received by him, often 
alone. He superintended all measures for the defence 
of the kingdom, and for carrying on such wars as the 
country was engaged in, and in addition to all this 
he gradually pushed on his great schemes for the pro- 
gress of religion and social reform.* As regards the 
Church matters, his moderate schemes and gradual inno- 
vations were not by any means satisfactory to the ultra 
Protestants, who now began to pull down crucifixes and 
images in the churches and to behave with great license. 
In vain Gardiner appealed to the Protector, who, not 
wishing to check the progress of the Reformation solely 
on account of the behaviour of a few fanatics, made a 
point against him by replying that it was not worse to 
destroy an image than to burn a Bible. In a letter he 
wrote to him he said : " Let a worthless worm-eaten 
image be so disposed, and men exclaimed as if a saint 
were cast into the fire."f 

The Scottish affairs were, however, at this period, of 
much greater importance. The Protectors policy was, 
for those times, a good one. The amalgamation of the 
two kingdoms of England and Scotland was the great 
object. This he desired to do by a marriage between 
Edward and Mary, which would be the first step towards 
joining the two kingdoms into one empire, under one 
King, who should be, he said, King of Great Britain. 
In this idea Somerset was, indeed, far ahead of his time, 
as may also be seen by his prayers, in which he addresses 
God as " Defender of all nations," as against the usual 
form, " Defender of our nation." He began by claiming 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t PVoude's Hist. 



the fulfilment of the marriage treaty, which had been 
ratified by the Scots Parliament in 1543, and insisted 
upon the advantages both countries would receive thereby. 
The Scotch people for the most part were in favour of the 
union, but the Queen Regent of Scotland was a Guise, 
and Henry II of France was her adopted brother. Her 
opposition was in the end fatal, joined, as it was, with that 
of the priests. Somerset endeavoured to remain at peace 
with France, and at the same time endeavoured to 
embroil her with the Emperor Charles V. Could this be 
done, he would have leisure to carry out his plans on 
Scodand secure from foreign invasion. The quarrel 
between France and the Emperor, however, only came 
about in time to save England from invasion under 
Warwick's rule some three or four years later.* 

At the commencement of his protectorate, indeed, 
Somerset had entered into a treaty of peace with Francis I ; 
but this King dying, his successor, Henry II, refused to 
ratify it, and declared his intention of regaining Boulogne, 
and of assisting the Scots, whose young Queen he intended 
to marry to the Dauphin. Ships, men, money, and sup- 
plies were poured into Scotland by the French King. In 
vain did Somerset endeavour to come to terms, even hint- 
ing that Boulogne might be restored before its proper 
time. The Council were too impatient, and the Scottish 
expedition then just starting, hurried on by their order, 
broke off all negotiations. Somerset was chosen to lead 
the army, and was soon at Newcastle with 1 8,000 men 
and 60 ships.t 

Towards the end of August the army marched to 
Berwick, the fleet, under Lord Clinton, keeping pace 
with it along the coast. Leaving that town, Somerset 
crossed the Tweed (September 4), and skirting Dum- 
barton, which he thought not worthy of attack, arrived 
before Musselburgh on the 8th. Here he found himself 
confronted by a Scotch army, far exceeding his own in 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



numbers, and holding an almost impregnable position, 
on rising ground, flanked by the sea on one side and a 
marsh on the other, and in front protected by the River 
Esk. Perceiving the strength of the position, Somerset 
shifted his ground nearer the sea, in order to receive 
more assistance from the fleet, whereupon the Scots, 
perhaps thinking that he meant to try and re-embark his 
army, left the rising ground and crossed the Esk shortly 
before dawn (September 10). The battle commenced 
immediately, the Scottish left, composed for the most part 
of 4,000 Irish archers and some light horse, charging the 
English right, in doing which they came under the fire of 
the fleet, and were thrown into such confusion that they 
soon broke and fled. On the other flank, however, the 
Scots were for a time more successful, for Lord Grey, 
apparently against orders, left his ground and charged 
their pikemen with his horse. The Scotch infantry stood 
firm, and having thrown themselves in vain against their 
long pikes, Grey's horse turned and fled, hotly pursued 
by the Scots. At this juncture, however, Warwick 
advanced his men-at-arms and Italian musketeers, whom 
he had kept in good order in spite of the flying horse 
which came charging upon them, and met the Scots, 
whose ranks were now disordered through the eagerness 
of the pursuit. A fierce struggle ensued, but it was not 
of long duration. The Protector, with Sir Ralph Sadler 
and Sir Ralph Vane, had succeeded in rallying the cavalry, 
and brought them on to a second charge. The Scots, 
taken in flank, were seized by a panic, and broke and fled 
in all directions, throwing away their arms, and even such 
clothes as impeded them. The rout soon became a 
massacre, in which it has been said that over 10,000 
of the Scots were slain and 1,500 taken prisoners, whilst 
the English loss was barely 200.* 

* Accounts of this battle are so numerous that it has seemed 
unnecessary to give more than the shortest account here. For 
further details see De Selve, p. 203 ; Froude ; Pollard ; Knox's 
Works ; Bannatyne Club, vol. 1 ; Teulet, Papiers d'etats sur 

G 2 

8 4 


Somerset's projects were not, however, much advanced 
by this victory, brilliant and decisive as it was. He 
advanced as far as Leith and burnt it ; but Mary had 
meanwhile been removed to Stirling, and he was unable 
to go further, his army having been only provisioned for 
a month.* Garrisons, however, were left at Inch Colin, 
Broughty Crag, and Roxburgh, at which place he erected 
fortifications, working at them with his own hands for 
two hours a day, in order to hasten and encourage his 

The campaign he had just completed was very much 
thought of, both on account of the speed and success with 
which it had been carried out, and of the very small losses 
that had been incurred, and in their joy the City of London 
proposed to receive him with a triumphal procession. This 
honour he declined ; but in spite of his wishes, on his 
approaching London on October 8, the Lord Mayor and 
Aldermen went out to meet him, and he was marched 
through the City in triumph, followed by the 80 pieces of 
cannon he had captured. f On the day following, the 
Council ordained that in future his designation should be, 
in royal phrase — " Edward, by the grace of God, Duke of 
Somerset, Protector of the Realm " ; and an order was 
issued by the King that " our uncle shall sit alone, and 
be placed at all times, as well in our presence at our 
court of Parliament, as in our absence, next on the right 
hand of our seat royal in our Parliament chamber." £ It 
was also proposed that a further grant of lands, to the 
value of ^500 a year, should be given him, but this 
gift Somerset refused for that time, owing to the dis- 
tressed state of the revenue, which he considered could ill 
afford such rewards. 

At the meeting of Parliament, on November 4, 

l'histoire ficossaise ; Patten, Expedition into Scotland, 1548 ; Com- 
playnt of Scotland ; Early Eng. Text Society ; Hamilton Papers. 
* ibid. 

t Wriothesley's Chronicle, i, 186. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist., &c. 



Somerset's wishes for the moderation of some of Henry's 
severe laws were discussed and embodied into statutes. 
All the laws of treason made since 1352 were repealed, as 
well as the Six Articles Bill, the Acts against the Lollards, 
and the sharper clauses of the Act of Supremacy.* As 
regards the law of treason, which had been unjustly 
severe hitherto, not content with modifying it to make it 
a reasonable statute, Somerset added a last clause, one of 
the most important of the Tudor reign, as affecting the 
liberty of the subject. It stipulated that no one could be 
" indicted, arraigned, condemned, or convicted for any 
offence of treason, Petit treason, misprision of treason 
." unless he " be accused by two sufficient and 
lawful witnesses, or shall willingly, without violence^ con- 
fess the same." At the same time the former Act of 
Parliament placing restrictions on the printing of the Old 
and New Testaments or any other books teaching or 
expounding the Scripture was repealed. This affected 
not only Protestant but also Catholic works and thus 
practically established a universal tolerance and was the 
foundation of the liberty of the Press.f 

" The importance of these enactments," says Mr. Pol- 
lard, " has seemed to justify a full description, for they 
effected a more abrupt constitutional, as distinguished 
from t a religious, change in the spirit of the laws than 
occurred at any other period in English history except 
during the great Rebellion and the Revolution. To 
sweep away almost the entire system of treason laws and 
heresy laws — an inveterate growth of two centuries — was 
nothing less than a revolution ; but the temper which it 
illustrated is equally apparent in the treatment which 
Parliament itself received at the Protector's hands. His 
administration was marked by a fuller recognition of the 
powers of Parliament than had been accorded to it since 
the early days of the Lancastrian kings, and the history of 
Parliament during that brief period is notable for freedom 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



of debate, immunity of its members from molestation on 
account of their words or actions, and total absence of 
attempts on the part of Government to influence either 
elections to, or proceedings in, Parliament. The pre- 
vailing freedom of debate is amply exemplified in the 
journals of the two Houses, and it is, perhaps, not entirely 
without significance that the journals of the Lower House 
commence with the first session of the Parliament sum- 
moned by Somerset. . . Many Bills that came up 
were voted against by influential persons in such a 
manner at times as to become an act of direct hostility to 
the Government, but in no case did Somerset show any 
resentment or remove such opponents from the authority 
which they had received at his hands. Nor, when a Bill, 
however distasteful to himself, had once been passed by 
Parliament did he ever arrange for the refusal of the royal 
assent ; he even went so far as to recognize the right of 
Parliament to be consulted in the management of foreign 
affairs, and insisted that treaties on the King's part should 
be ratified by Parliament.^ 

During the same session, Somerset made an attempt to 
suppress vagrancy, which was increasing at a great rate 
and almost threatened to disturb the peace and quiet of 
country districts. An Act was passed by which any able- 
bodied vagrant, who was roaming about the country with- 
out honest means of self-support or without seeking 
employment, was to be brought before the two nearest 
magistrates who, on being satisfied of the said person's 
idle living, might cause him to be branded on the breast 
with the letter " V " and hand him over to some honest 
neighbour who should cause him to work for two years 
without wages, but should feed, clothe, and house him 
during that period. Should the vagrant refuse to work, 
or run away, he might be branded on the cheek or fore- 
head with the letter " S " and adjudged a slave for life. 
Only as a last resource might he be tried and sentenced 
as a felon. The details of the Bill mentioned that 
* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



children of beggars were to be taken from them and 
brought up in some honest calling. If no householder 
could be found to take charge of a slave, he was to be ad- 
judged to his town or parish to work in chains on the 
highways or bridges. Collections were to be made in the 
parish churches every Sunday for the relief of the de- 
serving poor. The slaves of private persons were to wear 
rings of iron on their necks, arms, or legs. As their 
crime was the refusal to maintain themselves, so if they 
could earn or obtain any kind of property, they were 
entitled to their freedom. About this time the Protector 
established a colony of foreign weavers on his estate at 
Glastonbury, which afforded employment for many 
Protestant refugees as well as for the unemployed of this 
country, and which answered so well that, after Somerset's 
death, the Council continued it under their own manage- 

The Protector did not, however, have everything his 
own way during this session of Parliament, for an Act 
was passed, during its last days, making his protectorate 
dependant upon the King's pleasure, instead of on the 
duration of his minority. This Act never passed the Great 
Seal and was probably instigated by some of his enemies, 
and no doubt chiefly by his brother, Sir Thomas Seymour, 
who was almost openly working for his overthrow. f 

During this year Somerset purchased the castle and 
property of Berry Pomeroy, in Devonshire, which has 
remained in the family ever since. The castle, however, 
has been in ruins for many years. (Note 33.) 

In the early part of this year the Council issued a 
proclamation against ceremonies and, at Easter, 
1548. published a new Communion office.^ An order 
for the removal of images from every church soon 

* Knox's Works, iv, 42, 564 ; Froude's Hist. ; Pollard, Eng- 
land under Protector Somerset ; Acts, P.C., iii, 415, 490 ; Strype s 
Eccle. Mem.. II, i, 378 ; Diet. Nat. Biog., &c. 

t Archaeologia, xxx. 

% Diet. Nat. Biog. 



followed, and the people were allowed and encouraged to 
neglect confession. In the autumn the visitation of the 
universities of Oxford and Cambridge commenced. 
(Somerset had been elected Chancellor of the latter the 
previous year.) 

The haste with which these orders were issued does 
not seem to have been approved of by the Protector. His 
signature is indeed affixed to the proclamations but, as 
Protector, it was necessary that he should sign all such 
documents as were approved by the Council, whether he 
agreed with their contents or not. Indeed, his modera- 
tion was causing some annoyance to the more zealous 
reformers who, as usual, would have wished to condemn 
to the stake everyone who differed in the slightest degree 
from their own religious views, and Calvin wrote him 
several letters to urge him on to greater severity against 
what he termed " the unbelievers."** 

During the summer Somerset received a grant of lands 
from the King, and also inherited the large possessions in 
Dorsetshire belonging to Sir William Fillol, his first wife's 
father. (Note 34.) 

Foreign affairs were, meanwhile, causing the Protector 
great uneasiness, both in regard to Scotland and to 
France. Although there was no actual war with the 
latter, frequent hostilities kept taking place around 
Boulogne, where the disputes over the fortifications were 
constantly recurring. t The French King also had de- 
termined to thwart Somerset's plans of marrying Mary 
of Scotland to Edward, and kept sending money and 
supplies to the Scots, in doing which he was encouraged 
and assisted by the Pope. 

The Protector, however, did not recommence the war 
without having in the meanwhile done all he could to 
come to terms with the French King, without whose 
assistance the Scots could not have sustained another 
campaign. Captured ships and prisoners were exchanged 

* Froude's Hist., Letter, Calvin to Protector, 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; De Selve, Corresp. Pol. 


8 9 

with the French, and the cession of Boulogne was once 
more discussed. But Henry required all the other 
possessions in France as well. Negotiations again fell 
through, and Somerset made preparations for a war 
which seemed inevitable, but which did not actually com- 
mence till the following year.* 

As to Scotland, Somerset found himself forced to adopt 
different measures. He had, after his last campaign, 
doubtless imagined that the Scots would recognize the 
futility of attempting a prolonged resistance, and he had 
brought back with him to London the Earls of Huntley 
and Bothwell, and some other prisoners, whom he had 
treated with great consideration, in the hope that, on 
their return, they would show their people the advantages 
of the union of the Crowns. The Lowlands were almost 
entirely in the hands of the English ; Dundee, Dalkeith, 
Dunbar, Haddington, and many other places had been 
captured and garrisoned. Offers had been made for the 
surrender of St. Andrews, Perth, and Edinburgh. In all 
these places, and indeed wherever the English had estab- 
lished themselves, efforts were made to introduce the 
Protestant religion, in the hope that, could the two 
countries be once united in religion, the last hindrance 
would be removed to their becoming one nation. At the 
same time the Protector had often issued writings to the 
Scotch people, putting before them all the advantages of a 
union. f Mr. Pollard says : " No record has been dis- 
covered of the full details of the plan of union which 
Somerset had in his mind, but the indications that have 
survived suggest that it embodied not a few of the condi- 
tions upon which union was eventually accomplished, and 
upon which alone it was possible." The King was to be 
Emperor of Great Britain, Scotland was to retain her 
autonomy, free trade was to be established between the 
two kingdoms, and all laws prohibiting " interchange of 
marriage " were to be abolished. 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 


Somerset's plans, however, though well conceived, failed 
for two reasons. One was the condition of affairs at home, 
where the Council's acts were causing the people to rise ; 
the other was the opposition of the French King, who 
kept supplying the Scotch nobility with money, frequently 
sent them arms and supplies, and was endeavouring to 
bring about a marriage between the Scottish Queen and 
the Dauphin. This last was too great a danger to be 
overlooked, and in the end forced Somerset to adopt 
fresh measures. Hitherto he had dealt with the Scots as 
with another nation, carefully relegating to the back- 
ground Henry VIII's claim of suzerainty, which would 
only annoy the Scotch to no purpose. Now he must 
either find and put forward a claimant to the Scottish 
throne, or take his stand upon this claim of suzerainty. 
He naturally chose the latter, and informed the French 
Ambassador that if the French marriage took place he 
would send assistance to the rebels in Guienne, which, 
he added, with significance, had once been an English 

In the spring (February), Somerset had sent a pro- 
clamation or exhortation to Scotland, pointing out the 
great advantages that must result to both nations by an 
amicable union of the Crowns, and attributing the cause 
of war to Arran and his party. t He had also gained 
over many of the Scottish nobility to his views by means 
of heavy bribes, and he was able to count on the assist- 
ance of the Protestants. In spite of his efforts, however, 
a marriage was arranged between the young Queen Mary 
and the Dauphin of France, and a French army was sent 
to Scotland from Brest to bring back the young Queen. 

On hearing of this, Somerset at once (April) despatched 
Lord Grey de Wilton and Sir Thomas Palmer with an 
army to anticipate the arrival of the French force, and to 
prevent Mary being taken out of the country. They 
crossed the borders on the 1 8th, and took Haddington, 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t This exhortation is printed by R. Wolfe, 1548. 



in which they left a strong garrison of 2,500 men, 
ravaged and wasted all the country round Edinburgh, 
and returned to Berwick without accomplishing the object 
of their mission, for the French fleet had meanwhile sailed 
safely away, bearing with them the Queen, who was 
shortly after married to the Dauphin.* 

Somerset's Scottish policy, and his dreams of a peaceful 
union of the two nations, were thus shattered, and to add 
to his trouble the Scots now regained their courage, and 
marched southward, taking Home Castle, and besieging 
Haddington, to the relief of which it was necessary to 
send supplies and reinforcements at once (August). But 
what was perhaps a more bitter blow than the failure of 
his scheme, was the behaviour of his own brother, whose 
plots and intrigues were threatening to plunge the country 
into a civil war. 

Lord Seymour, whose ambition was greater than his 
ability, had always envied the high position of his brother, 
and endeavoured in every way to bring about his fall and 
usurp his place. An unscrupulous and hard man, his 
want of success hitherto had gradually changed his envy 
into a bitter hatred, which was somewhat aggravated by 
the jealousies and disputes of their two wives. Somerset, 
on the other hand, being of a gentler and more forgiving 
disposition, had always shown his brother the greatest 
kindness. The marriage of the Admiral to the Queen 
Dowager, so soon after Henry's death, had not unnatu- 
rally annoyed him, but he had quickly forgiven it, and 
had, on the occasion of the birth of his brother's daughter, 
written him a most affectionate letter (August 31). On 
frequent occasions, when some more than usually reckless 
deed or saying of the Admiral's had come to light, he had 
written him kindly letters pointing out the folly of his 
plots and intrigues, and begging him, for the good of the 
country, to desist from them. It was all of no avail. 
The Admiral persisted in his designs, which eventually 
reached such a pitch that it became impossible to overlook 
• Diet. Nat. Biog., &c. 

9 2 


them any longer. Somerset made one last effort, 
1549. and sent for him (January, 1549) in order to 

reason with him, but he refused to come. He 
was then arrested by order of the Council, sent to the 
Tower, tried, and executed. When the Bill of Attainder 
was passed, Somerset showed the greatest reluctance in 
assenting to it, and, according to Queen Elizabeth, he 
would still have interfered to save him, but the Council 
prevented him from even having an interview with the 
condemned man. The Admiral's death, however, involved 
Somerset in a good deal of odium, and was a severe blow 
to his power.* 

In the same session of Parliament which had con- 
demned his brother, a Bill was now passed (January), 
called the Act of Uniformity. At the same time another 
was passed, permitting the marriage of priests and regu- 
lating tithes.f It does not seem that Somerset had very 
much to do with the bringing in of these Bills. Foreign 
affairs and internal troubles required all his attention, and 
for his own part he would doubtless have preferred to 
leave such fresh innovations to a more suitable period. 
To add to the internal troubles of the country, a Bill had 
been passed in the Lords some time before, much against 
the Protector's wishes, allowing everyone to enclose his 
lands as he pleased. The Commons, indeed, had re- 
jected it, but nevertheless the nobility and gentry con- 
tinued to enclose lands and to turn arable fields into 
pasture. This caused great hardship amongst the people, 
numbers of whom had been thrown out of work by 
the dissolution of the monasteries, for the monks had up 
to that time been the chief cultivators of the soil, and 
employed large numbers of labourers, j Somerset brought 

* Tytler ; Froude ; Hayward, Edward VI ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; 
Lords' Journals, &c. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t A discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, 
Lamond, 1893; Froude's Hist.; Pollard, England under Pro- 
tector Somerset. 



the matter to the notice of the Council, but met with so 
much opposition that he resolved to take matters into 
his own hands. He accordingly issued a proclamation 
against all new enclosures, and appointed Commissioners 
to hear and determine causes. The gentry, however, paid 
no heed to the proclamation, and continued to enclose 

Upon finding this, Somerset appointed another Com- 
mission to go into the country and enquire into the con- 
dition of all estates, towns, villages, and hamlets, with 
power to imprison such as might offer opposition, and to 
send to himself the names of those who had broken the 
law. At the same time he established a Court of Requests 
in his own house, where men might come for justice, 
and avoid the long delays experienced in the ordinary 
law courts.* 

The Commissioners were hailed by the people with 
great joy, for it seemed as if their wrongs would now 
soon receive redress, but they were destined to disappoint- 
ment. A report was duly sent in by the Commissioners 
to the Protector, who drafted it into a petition to be pre- 
sented to Parliament in the form of an Enclosure Bill. 
This was summarily rejected by the House of Lords. A 
second Bill was then prepared, which eventually passed 
the Lords, but was rejected by the Commons, and a third 
Bill suffered a similar fate. Speaking of this Bill, Mr. 
Pollard says : f " There was thus nothing novel or revo- 
lutionary in either the aims or the methods of the Pro- 
tector. They were indeed essentially conservative, and 
their object was to stay the agrarian revolution that was 
going on in favour of the rich at the expense of the com- 
munity at large. The Protector sought merely to enforce 
statutes passed in the two preceding reigns ; his policy 
was the traditional policy of the Yorkist and Tudor rulers, 

* A discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, 
Lamond, 1893; Froude's Hist.; Pollard, England under Pro- 
tector Somerset. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



and the Commission he appointed was closely modelled 
on that sent out by Wolsey in 15 17." 

The people, seeing the failure of the Protector's efforts 
on their behalf, now became more discontented than ever, 
and the counties of Oxford and Buckingham broke into 
an open revolt which, however, was soon subdued ,by 
Lord Grey. In June the people of Norfolk rose as well 
as the counties of Devon and Cornwall ; the former on 
account of the enclosures, the latter more on account of the 
religious changes lately forced upon them by the Council. 
The Norfolk rebellion was finally crushed by Warwick, 
but not until August, and only after great difficulty. 
That in Devon was suppressed by Lord Russell.* 

Whilst these events had been taking place at home, 
matters abroad had assumed an equally alarming aspect. 
The Scotch had eventually captured Haddington and 
every other English garrison with the exception of 
Lander. The Protector desired to make a fresh invasion 
and re-conquer the various fortresses, but the want of 
money rendered such a plan impossible. In spite of all 
his efforts the coinage had become more debased, and the 
debts to the Antwerp money dealers had increased. The 
exchequer was empty, and no more loans could be con- 
tracted. The position in France was equally bad. 
Blackness, Ballemberg, and Newhaven had all been 
captured, and the French were pressing hard on Boulogne, 
although, as yet, no war had formally been declared, t 

This had, of course, not all occurred in one moment. 
The relations between the two countries had been strained 
for some time, and the Protector had been warned that 
an attack on Boulogne was likely to take place in the 
summer. To make matters worse, his brother's con- 
spiracy had encouraged the French to believe that there 
was such secret dissatisfaction in England that an invasion 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset ; Froude's Hist. ; 
Diet. Nat. Biog., &c. 

t De Selve, 410 ; Pollard, England under Protector Somerset j 
Wriothesley's Chronicle, n, 20. 



had every chance of success, and agents were sent by 
them to England and Ireland to encourage a civil war. 
The large pirate fleet, which owed its existence to the 
Admiral's encouragement, was made welcome in the 
French ports, whence it could with security prey upon the 
English traders, and commerce was in consequence almost 
at a standstill.* 

In August of the previous year, a ray of hope had 
appeared, for the country people round Bordeaux had 
risen in revolt against the taxation by which they were 
oppressed, and had applied for assistance from England, 
but, before anything could be done to help them, the 
rebellion had been suppressed by Henry II, who had 
thus once more become free to continue his antagonism 
to Somerset's policy in the north, in which he was greatly 
assisted by the Pope, who sent him large supplies of 
money with which to prosecute the campaign in Scotland, 
and to attack the English possessions in France. t 

What could be done at this juncture it appears that 
Somerset did, or endeavoured to do, by doing his utmost 
to bring about a peace at home by entering into negotia- 
tions for an offensive and defensive alliance with the 
Emperor Charles,f but all his efforts were fruitless. 
Hampered as he was by the Council, many of whom were 
against him, and by his other enemies, and perhaps more 
than all by an empty exchequer, his power was fast de- 
clining. The anxiety caused by the difficulties that 
beset him, coupled with the continual weariness occasioned 
by the enormous amount of work he insisted on per- 
sonally carrying out,f began seriously to affect his health. 
His temper, usually so mild and equable, became now so 
hasty and violent that at times none dared speak to him 
but Paget, whose advice was no longer well received. 
Even the court which he had established in his own 
house for redressing the wrongs of the poor no longer 
gave him or the people satisfaction, for the men who 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 

9 6 


managed it made it as unjust and corrupt as any of the 
law courts of the day.* (Note 35.) 

In the summer of 1549, matters stood thus : The 
exchequer was empty and no loans could be raised, yet 
the Council determined on an invasion of both Scotland 
and France. The people at home were dissatisfied and 
almost in revolt, yet the Council had announced a new 
Commission of Enclosures, a Heresy Commission, had 
prohibited mass from being held, and published a new 
Prayer-Book. Somerset appears to have disapproved of all 
these plans. Finding an alliance with the Emperor hope- 
less and knowing that England could not carry on two 
wars single-handed and without money, he was inclined 
to treat for peace with France, which would lead to a 
cessation of hostilities in Scotland, by anticipating by a 
few years the restoration of Boulogne which, in any case, 
was to be given back to the French in 1554, according to 
the treaty made by Henry VIII. As to the religious 
innovations, he approved the Prayer-Book as a whole, but 
was too moderate and tolerant to entirely support the 
prohibition of the mass and the Heresy Commission. The 
first Prayer-Book of this reign had, together with the first 
Act of Uniformity, been drawn up under his own im- 
mediate influence, and was written in such a manner as to 
retain many portions of the former Catholic matters of 
faith. It was intended as a book of prayer which might 
be suited to all parties, and indeed has been described by 
a High Churchman in this generation as preferable to the 
book of Common Prayer in use at this day. It left the 
real presence to be assumed, enjoined abstinence from 
flesh during Lent, and permitted prayers for the dead and 
auricular confession. t In the second Prayer-Book, how- 
ever, all these things were specially forbidden, and the 
change it made in religion was too great and sudden to 
win the Protector's approval. In fact, in pursuance of 
his policy of moderation and of hearing both sides, 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



Somerset had for some time permitted Cardinal Pole to 
write to him from abroad and had even entered into a 
controversy with him over the merits of their respective 
creeds. Plenty of instances of this correspondence are to 
be seen in the State Papers, notably a letter written by the 
Duke, June 4, 1549, in answer to one of the Cardinal's, 
dated May 6, in which he expressed the hope that at last 
the Cardinal perceived the abuses of the Church of Rome 
and that he would now take advantage of the King's 
clemency and return home. At the same time he 
enclosed a copy of the book of Common Prayer.* 

But it was the Enclosure Commission that had raised 
the greatest discontent at home, and Somerset had a 
violent dispute with the Council over it. The people, 
driven to fury, had taken the law into their own hands, 
had levelled hedges, filled ditches, torn down the walls 
and palings of parks, and driven away or killed the deer. 
The sternest measures had been necessary to subdue the 
many risings and the misery in the country had conse- 
quently increased. The Protector spoke his mind openly. 
He told the Council " that he liked well the doings of 
the people " ; " the covetousness of the gendemen gave 
occasion to them to rise ; it were better they should die 
than perish for lack of living." Before matters came to a 
crisis he had endeavoured to allay the disturbances by 
issuing a proclamation, on his sole authority, that all 
illegal enclosures should be levelled by a certain date and 
granting a free pardon to almost all those who had taken 
part in the riots. This, however, had done no good. The 
Lords and gentry had immediately armed their retainers 
and attacked the people, and for some time many counties 
were in a state of civil war. It was only after much 
bloodshed that peace was finally restored.f 

This desperate crisis through which the country was 

* State Papers ; Froude's Hist. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset ; Froude's Hist. ; 
A discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, 
ed. Lamond, 1893 ; John Hales, &c." 




passing must be laid to the blame of the gentry, through 
their greed, and to those of the Council who, out of 
jealousy, had all along endeavoured to frustrate Somerset's 
policy at home and abroad, and had been the promoters 
of all the new laws which caused irritation amongst the 
people, at the same time opposing such reforms as 
Somerset attempted to alleviate the country's distress. 
Mr. Pollard says of this juncture, "The Government 
of England was shaken to its base, its hold on Scotland 
and on France was relaxed, and at home it was confronted 
with the prospect of a prolonged and bitter social war. 
In the midst of the convulsion, the Council bethought 
itself of saving its face and its pockets by attributing the 
condition of England not to the original malady but to 
the remedies that Somerset had prescribed. It prepared 
to remove not the disease but the physician."* 

For a long time the Earl of Warwick had been in- 
triguing against the Protector, and he had formed a 
powerful party amongst the Council and the nobility, not 
the least of whom was Wriothesley, now Earl of South- 
ampton, who had never forgiven his own dismissal from 
office. The Catholics also were ready to join in any 
attempt that would bring about the overthrow of a 
Protestant ruler, while many of the Protestants them- 
selves were discontented at the tolerance that Somerset 
had shown. The present state of matters at home and 
abroad seemed too good an opportunity to be lost. The 
blame of every failure was cast on Somerset by Warwick 
and his party, and no chance was lost of damaging his 
government in the eyes of the people. His plans being 
sufficiently advanced, Warwick waited on Somerset, in 
September, with two hundred captains who had assisted 
in suppressing the late risings and demanded extra pay 
for their services. This being refused, he succeeded in 
enlisting their support for his own ends.f 

Secret meetings of the disaffected Councillors were now 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Chron. Henry VIII, 185-6 j Diet. Nat. Biog. 



held to debate upon Somerset's overthrow, and the King's 
attendants were bribed in order that they might the more 
easily get possession of his person. Hearing of this, the 
Protector removed most of the Kings attendants and 
replaced them by his own. The Court was at the time 
at Hampton Court Palace, and Somerset had with him, 
Cranmer, Paget, Cecil, Petre, Sir Thomas Smith, and 
Sir John Thynne, who had all been his supporters 
throughout. Finding the conspiracy becoming serious, 
Somerset caused handbills to be distributed in the neigh- 
bouring towns and villages calling on the peasantry to 
arm themselves. " Good people, in the name of God 
and King Edward, let us rise in all our power to defend 
him and the Lord Protector against certain lords and 
gendemen and chief masters, who would depose the Lord 
Protector, and so endanger the King's royal person, 
because we, the poor commons, being injured by the 
extortions of gentlemen, had our pardon this year by the 
mercy of the King and the goodness of the Lord Pro- 
tector, for whom let us fight, for he loveth all just and 
true gentlemen which do no extortion, and also the poor 
Commonwealth of England." A commission was issued 
under the King's seal requiring all liege subjects to rise 
and repair with harness and weapons to Hampton Court 
to defend the Crown. The Corporation of London was 
commanded to arm and despatch 1,000 men, and, in a 
private letter, Somerset ordered the Lieutenant of the 
Tower to admit no member of the Council within its 
gates. (Note 36.) At the same time he sent his son, 
Sir Edward Seymour, with a letter to Russell and 
Herbert, who were returning from the suppression of the 
Western rebellion, entreating them to bring their army to 
the defence of the King's person.* (Note 37.) 

On the same day, October 6, he sent Petre to London 
to interview the separating Councillors and threaten them 
with arrest if they proceeded in their rebellious designs. 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist. ; England under Protector 
Somerset ; Acts, P.C., II, 330-6 ; Chron. Henry VIII, p. 186 

H 2 



Petre found them sitting at Ely House, Holborn, where 
they had been drawing up an indictment against the 
Protector. On receipt of the message they sent letters to 
the chief nobility in England, describing the Protector's 
evil deeds and demanding their assistance. They also 
demanded and obtained the assistance of the Mayor and 
Aldermen of London and of the Lieutenant of the Tower. 
By the 8 th they had assembled fifteen thousand men, and 
had received promises of assistance from Russell and 
Herbert, who halted their army and sent to Bristol for 
cannon.* Petre, doubtless looking upon the Protector's 
cause as lost, remained with the Council. 

Meanwhile, in response to the Protector's proclamation, 
about ten thousand men had assembled at Hampton Court, f 
but, on hearing further news of the Council's proceedings, 
Somerset left that place with the King and repaired to 
Windsor, October 7, whence he wrote to the Council 
marvelling at their detaining Petre and vouchsafing him 
no answer, and saying that if any violence was intended 
to the King's person he would resist till death, but that if 
no harm was meant towards His Majesty, he was prepared 
for his own part to listen to any reasonable conditions they 
might have to offer in order to avoid the shedding of 
Christian blood. (Note 38.) "For we do esteem the 
King's wealth and tranquillity of the realm, more than all 
other things ; yea more than our life." 

After some more correspondence on either side, from 
which it appears that Somerset was quite willing to resign 
his office provided the King's authority was not lessened 
thereby, a meeting took place at Windsor between the 
King and the separating Councillors, October 12, which 

* Chron. Henry VIII, p. 189 ; Froude's Hist. Pollard, England 
under Protector Somerset : — " Herbert and Russell both had a 
private grievance against the Protector. The former had seen his 
park ploughed up as an illegal enclosure, and the latter had been 
reprimanded for exceeding his instructions in his severity towards 
the rebels." 

t Chron. Henry VIII, p. 186. 



ended in the withdrawal of the proclamation of treason 
which had been issued against the Protector. The follow- 
ing day, however, a long list of charges was brought 
against him, after hearing which, the King caused him to 
be arrested and confined in the Beauchamp Tower. # 

On the next day, October 14, he was removed to 
London, where some of his adherents had already been 
imprisoned, notably Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Michael 
Stanhope, and Sir John Thynne.f On his way he rode 
through Holborn between the Earls of Southampton and 
Huntingdon, and was followed by 300 gentlemen on 
horseback, and the citizen householders stood with hal- 
berts on the sides of the streets through which he passed. 
At Sopher Lane, he was received by the Lord Mayor, 
the Sheriffs, the Recorder, and many knights of special 
note, who, with a great train of officers and attendants, 
bearing halberts, escorted him to the Tower. At the 
same time a letter was sent by the Council to the Lieu- 
tenant of the Tower, ordering him to allow no one to 
speak to Somerset or the other prisoners, and not even to 
allow any of their servants to go abroad.^ 

The articles laid to Somerset's charge referred to 
various alleged malversations of office, his usurpation of 
power and dignity, his neglect of the King's interests both 
at home and abroad, and several other matters, the whole 
of which accusations were couched in the most extravagant 
and violent terms. 

Mr. Pollard says, " The more violent of these charges, 
the talk about i devilish and evil purposes,' the s subversion 
of law and justice ' and traitorous behaviour, may be dis- 
missed as mere stage thunder intended to frighten the 
people into acquiescence in the revolution. It is incon- 
ceivable that there should be any truth in them when it 
is remembered that those who made them restored 
Somerset, six months later, to his place at the Council 

* Froude's Hist., &c. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 
X Froude's Hist. " 



board. It is obvious that the only charges in which 
the Councillors themselves believed were those of im- 
proper and arbitrary use of his power as Protector, and 
of the ill success of his Government. Some of these 
were partially, if not wholly, true ; that Somerset was 
overbearing towards his colleagues is unquestionable, and 
we may well believe that he gave offices to his personal 
adherents. Such deeds were not peculiar to him or to 
his age. That his government had been attended by 
ill success is obvious, but it is not so obvious that the 
fault was his. The real cause of failure was the social 
trouble which finally broke out in rebellion, but this 
event was precisely what the Protector laboured so per- 
sistently to prevent. He knew that no state could be 
really strong in which the mass of the people were or 
felt themselves oppressed, and his proclamations, en- 
closure commissions, and Bills in Parliament were all 
designed to remove this feeling and to strengthen 
England against her enemies. The commission which 
the Councillors alleged as the cause of the social dis- 
turbances came after they had begun, and to prevent 
their development. Their real cause was one which 
the Council found it necessary to ignore, and that 
was the persistent opposition of the Lords and gentlemen 
which spoilt the Protector's remedies and precipitated 
social war. Even so, the knowledge that Somerset was 
on their side probably prevented numbers of the Com- 
mons from joining in revolt who might otherwise have 
done so." This peril at home, Mr. Pollard points out, 
aggravated perils abroad. Levies meant for France or 
Scotland were employed in Norfolk and Devon, and the 
wonder is that the reverses suffered were not greater. 
Somerset was accused of leaving Boulogne defenceless, 
yet its state cannot have been so bad, as it resisted a large 
French army all the winter. The war itself in France 
might not have occurred had Somerset been allowed by 
the Council to offer the terms he desired. In Scotland 
all Somerset's conquests remained in English hands, and 


he kept receiving assurances of further support from many 
of the Scots. " Had Somerset remained in power, the 
English position might perhaps have been retrieved. His 
accusers, however, did little in practice to justify their 
accusations ; within a few months of their accession to 
power almost every fortress in Scodand which the Pro- 
tector left them had been recaptured by the Scots, and a 
disgraceful peace was made which gave up every point for 
which the Tudors had struggled."* 

What caused the Council to turn against the Protector 
was their fear of further efforts on his part to redress the 
wrongs of the people. They feared his meeting Parlia- 
ment in November when Bills for the redress of grievances 
were to be proposed. They hated his love of liberty, his 
toleration, his abolition of the treason laws, in fact every- 
thing that was best and noblest in his government, and 
were determined to end his power at any cost.f 

After his fall came Warwick's administration. The 
change was immediate and terrible. Religious persecu- 
tion commenced at once with the greatest fury, and the 
fires at Smithfield burned continuously ; new laws in 
religion were made almost daily ; a peace was concluded 
with France as disgraceful as that with Scotland ; 
Boulogne was given over in six weeks for less than half 
the sum formerly agreed on, and the arrears of the French 
pension were altogether omitted. Ships of war were laid 
by to rot and no new ones built ; the building of fortifi- 
cations was stopped and many were even demolished. 
Garrisons of soldiers were reduced and many disbanded. 
The courts of law became so corrupt that none dared 
seek them. The coinage, which Somerset had been so 
careful to improve, was at once debased to the lowest 
point it has ever reached. The chantry lands were 
granted to private persons, and all Church plate that could 
be found was seized. Enclosures recommenced all over 
the kingdom. The poor were ground down to despair. 

• Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



Parliament was packed with Warwick's followers, and 
even the Council was changed to admit a greater number 
of his partisans. In fact, the condition of the nation both 
at home and abroad was suddenly put back by something 
like a hundred years.* 

The enemies of the Reformation had gloried in the fall 
of one of their most powerful opponents, and Bonner 
and Gardiner wrote to the Earl of Warwick, congratu- 
lating him upon his having freed the Church from its 
dangers, and priding themselves on the share the Church 
had taken in the matter. They expected that the Re- 
formation would now be stamped out in England, but in 
this they were grievously disappointed, for Warwick 
followed the advice of the most zealous among the 
reformers and even persecuted others, so it was no 
wonder that later on the Bishop of Arras complained 
to Sir Philip Hobby that the Catholics were receiving 
no reward for having assisted so strongly in the Duke's 

The latter bore his reverses with more equanimity than 
he had borne his prosperity and, during his imprison- 
ment, set himself to study works of moral philosophy and 
divinity. A book upon patience having made a strong 
impression on his mind, he wrote a preface to it. This 
book is called " The Spiritual and Precious Pearl," and 
his preface is well reasoned and shows a great respect for 
moral philosophy and a firm belief in the Christian 
religion. Upon his liberation he caused an edition of it 
to be published which contained the preface he had 

The Protector was unable to deny some of the charges 
brought against him and, being assured that he would be 
gently and leniently dealt with if he would acknowledge 
to the truth of the whole, he made a full confession of 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Froude's Hist. 

t Brit. Mus. Cat. and Hazlitt Collections. 


everything laid to his charge on December 23, at the 
same time attributing his guilt to his ignorance and folly, 
and not to any malicious design.* 

On the 2nd of January, a Bill was brought into 

Parliament against him, accompanied by his con- 
1550. fession. This last was thought so strange a thing, 

as he was known to be innocent of several of the 
charges, that many of the Peers could not believe it to be 
genuine. The House, therefore, deputed the Earls 
Bath and Westmorland, the Bishops of Hereford, Lich- 
field, Worcester, and Westminster, with the Lords 
Cobham and Morley, to see the Duke and learn whether 
he had voluntarily signed the confession. The following 
day they reported to the House that he acknowledged 
his handwriting and confessed his faults and errors. 
These articles which he confessed were vastly different 
to the charges originally drawn up but finally abandoned. 
They had been so modified as to amount to a mere vote 
of censure. This explains Somerset's readiness to confess 
them in order to end the matter, for the very things he 
was now charged with doing he had been expressly autho- 
rised to do by his patent as Protector, f 

The Bill previously mentioned proceeded to implore 
the King's mercy and to beseech him to commute the 
punishment to imprisonment during the royal pleasure. 
It then settled upon the Duke and Duchess a list of manors 
and estates that appears quite astonishing and excites 
wonder as to how he could have amassed so much 
property. (Note 39.) The Duke was freed from the 
payment of tenths, reserved by the letters patent by 
which many of these estates had been granted. But other 
fines and reliefs were still confirmed to the King. Then, 
in lieu of the fines and ransom (which the King was 
pleased to take on this occasion) the Bill gave him a set 
of manors and estates which adds to the wonder excited 
by the former list. (Note 40.) It also gave (by a sweeping 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset ; Froude's Hist. 



clause) all his other lands to the King ; except those which 
by this act, were settled upon him and his Duchess. This 
arrangement was to take place from the 6th of the pre- 
ceding October. All the Duke's personalty was for- 
feited to the King from the same time, but His Majesty 
was to pay, out of the court of augmentations, a set of 
annuities from which the Duke and Duchess were, of 
course, to be held discharged. The custody of the forest 
of Savernake was settled upon the Duke and his heirs, 
and he was to hold the same by the service of a fourth 
part of a knight's fee, &c* 

At this time there was a dispute between the Duke and 
Lord Audley, apparently about some property, and the 
House deputed several members to negotiate between 
them. These reported that the law was decidedly in 
favour of the Duke. The House, however, sent to 
entreat him to have some consideration for the Lord 
Audley, and he agreed to grant him 40 marks a year and 
give him any security he pleased.* 

The Bill for imposing a fine upon the Duke was all 
this time progressing through the House. The amerce- 
ment was ^2,000 a year in land, the forfeiture to the 
King of all his goods, and the loss of his places. f 

On being informed of these proceedings, he wrote to 
the Lords of the Council professing his obligation to 
them for bringing his case to a fine, and professing the 
innocence of his intentions, the frankness of his confes- 
sion, his want of knowledge and judgment, and his 
reliance on the King's mercy.J 

Those who desired his destruction dared not proceed 
further at present. He was therefore liberated on the 
6th,§ upon his giving a bond of j£ 10,000 for his good 
behaviour, and on condition that he should stay at the 
King's palace at Sheen or at his own house at Sion, and 

* Papers of nth Duke of Somerset, 
t Diet. Nat. Biog., &c. 
t Froude's Hist. 

§ Wriothesley's Chron., 1 1, 33; Acts, P.C., II, 383. 



should not go more than four miles from them or come 
to the King's Council unless he was summoned. (Note 
41.) He was also to promise that, if the King should 
come within four miles of either of these houses, he 
should at once withdraw himself.* On the night of his 
liberation he dined with Sir John Yorks, one of the 
Sheriffs of London, where the Lords assembled to meet 

On the 1 6th of February, the Duke received a full 
pardon, and, before many weeks had passed, was invited 
to the Court at Greenwich, where he was well received by 
the King and Council, and dined with His Majesty. 
On April 10 he was sworn a Privy Councillor, and 
resumed his attendance on the 24th, taking precedence of 
all the other members. He was constant in his attend- 
ances for the next eighteen months.^ 

About this time the Duke appears to have rendered 
some service to the Duchess of Suffolk, who, on May 9, 
wrote to Cecil, saying that she much desired a match 
between Somerset's daughter and her son, but that she 
wished to let the parties have their free choice. 

To effect a reconciliation between Somerset and 
Warwick, a marriage was now proposed between Lord 
Ambrose Dudley, the Earl's eldest son, and Lady Anne 
Seymour, the Duke's eldest daughter. This was duly 
solemnized on June 3, the King being present, and on 
the 4th a great part of Somerset's estates were restored to 
him.§ (Note 42.) On the 5th he received permission, 
during his lifetime, to retain 200 persons, resident within 
the King's dominions, and to give them his livery, 
badges, and cognizance, over and above all such servants 
as attended him in his household or were under him in 
any office of stewardship, &c. As the law at that time 
forbade anyone's keeping more persons about them than 

* Froude's Hist. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 
X Diet. Nat. Biog., &c. 
§ Diet. Nat. Biog. 



were absolutely necessary, this may be taken as a mark of 
great favour.* 

The Duke had regained some of his influence in eccle- 
siastical matters, and was now sent, with others, to inter- 
view Gardiner, who had been in the Tower for a long 
time without any proceedings being taken against him. 
Gardiner, however, refused to say anything unless he was 
first of all set at liberty. This Somerset endeavoured to 
obtain, but without success. Neither was he more suc- 
cessful in his efforts to obtain the pardon of the two 
Arundels, who had been concerned in the Cornish insur- 
rection ; indeed, his efforts, though probably inspired 
solely by a desire for justice, alarmed Warwick's party, 
who feared his attempting to regain the Protectorate, and 
therefore determined to thwart him in every way, espe- 
cially in the matter of Gardiner's release.f 

Just about this time, October 1 8, an excellent oppor- 
tunity arose for Warwick and his friends to show their 
ill-feeling and openly insult the Duke. On this day, 
Lady Seymour, his mother, died.J As the King's grand- 
mother, it seemed natural that a State funeral should be 
accorded her, and this placed Somerset in a difficult 
position, for, if he ordered a public funeral it might 
arouse jealousy and would certainly imply that the Court 
should go into mourning, whereas if he ordered a private 
funeral he might be accused of disrespect to the King. He 
accordingly consulted the Council, from whom he received 
the following reply, which appears an extraordinary one 
when we see that on August 4 Lord Southampton had been 
buried in state, and that, on March 7 ensuing, the Lord 
Chamberlain was interred with similar honours. The 
Lords " weighed with themselves that the wearing of dole 
and such outward demonstration of mourning not only 
did not any-ways profit the dead, but rather served to 
induce the living to have a diffidence of the better life to 

* Froude's Hist, 
t Froude's Hist. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



come to the departed in God by changing of this tran- 
sitory life ; yea, and divers other ways did move and 
cause scruple of coldness in faith unto the weak ; besides, 
that many of the wiser sort, weighing the impertinent 
charges bestowed upon black cloth and other instruments 
of those funeral pomps, might worthily find fault with the 
expense thereupon bestowed — considering, therefore, how 
at this present the observation of the times of outward 
mourning and wearing of the dole was far shortened and 
omitted, even among mean persons, from that it was 
wonted to be ; considering, further, how private men 
should reserve their private sorrows to their own houses, 
and not diminish the presence of their Prince with doleful 
token," the Council, in the name of the King, "did 
specially dispense with the said Duke for the wearing of 
dole either upon himself or upon any of his family, or 
the continuing of other personal observances such as 
heretofore were had in solemn use, as serving rather to 
pomp than to any edifying."* 

The House of Commons still favoured the Duke, and, 
in the early part of the year, had consulted about 
restoring him to the office of Protector, f This plan was 
stopped by their prorogation, but, in December, he 
received a very great mark of favour from the King, for, 
upon the distribution of a band of horsemen among the 
nobles, as many as 100 were appointed to him. 

Warwick was, meanwhile, still quietly working for his 
final overthrow. He endeavoured to ruin him in 
1 55 1. the royal favour by means of certain emissaries 
who beset the King continually with tales and 
insinuations against him, and used every means of causing 
him such mortification as he hoped might drive him into 
some act or expression which would prejudice him in the 
eyes of the rest of the Council. For some time his 
attempts were unsuccessful, for Somerset used the 
greatest caution, and continued to enjoy the royal favour 

* Froude's Hist, 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



and to be invested with greater powers by the Council 
who, May 10, made him Lord Lieutenant of the counties 
of Bucks and Berks, and sent him to preserve order in 
the counties of Oxfordshire, Wilts, Hants, and Sussex, 
which were threatening an insurrection.* About this 
time, Somerset is said, but apparently without founda- 
tion, to have made interest with the Lord Strange to 
persuade the King to marry his daughter Jane, and also 
to act as a spy to advertise him when any of the Council 
should speak privately with His Majesty, and, if possible, 
acquaint him with what was said. In spite of all his 
efforts, however, his enemy's schemes soon began to take 
effect. The King became more attentive to the calumnies 
that were told him, and the Duke himself began to lose 
the patience he had till then shown, and to show his 
provocation at the daily affronts to which he was exposed 
by Northumberland's party. This state of things was 
aggravated by an unfortunate occurrence. Richard Rich, 
Lord Chancellor, though outwardly concurring with the 
Council, was beginning secretly to favour the Protector's 
restoration to power and sent him several letters acquaint- 
ing him with the doings and intentions of Warwick and 
his party. One of these letters, unfortunately, he 
entrusted to a new and ignorant servant with instructions 
to deliver it safely. The letter was simply addressed 
" To the Duke," and the servant therefore delivered it to 
the first Duke he came across, who happened to be the 
Duke of Norfolk, a bitter enemy of Somerset's.f 

All through the summer of 1551, Warwick and the 

Council had been making new changes and inno- 
155 1. vations in the religious services, which, though 

applauded by the more zealous reformers, had 
placed the country in a state of ferment. Princess Mary 
was their greatest difficulty, but the Council, thinking 
themselves secure, determined, on August 9, to put down 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist. ; Pollard, England under 
Protector Somerset, 
t Burnet, 2, 182. 


I I I 

her resistance. " They considered how long and patiently 
the King had laboured in vain to bring her to conformity 
— and how much her obstinacy and the toleration of it 
endangered the peace of the realm. " They decided, 
therefore, that her chaplains should in future be com- 
pelled to use the English service, established by law, in 
her chapel ; while Edward was to write and reprove her 
for her stubbornness.* Somerset was the only one to 
openly take her part.f His name is, indeed, attached to 
the various resolutions of the Council, but as, when in 
power, he had permitted her " to keep her sacrificing knaves 
about her," so now he endeavoured to prevent their with- 
drawal ; he even went further, and strongly urged a 
general toleration, a desire which was later added as a 
crime to the list of charges against him. It is indeed 
probable, as Froude says, that he was getting somewhat 
weary of Protestantism, seeing what Protestantism had 
become, and preferred to superintend his architects and 
masons to attending chapel and hearing violent sermons. J 

Warwick's administration meanwhile had been causing 
such widespread discontent that Somerset's followers 
began to regain courage and to make plans for his 
restoration. As early as the last days of the session, 
February, 1550, the idea had been discussed amongst 
many members of the Lower House, but the dissolution 
had prevented anything further being done in the matter.^ 
It had not, however, escaped Warwick's notice, and, 
fearing the result of a discussion in Parliament, he had 
resolved to do without one as long as he could, or at any 
rate until he had made certain of Somerset's 

The latter of course was not ignorant of the schemes 
that were being formed against him, and seems to have 
thought of seizing and imprisoning his three greatest 

* Froude. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Froude, Letter, Burgoyne to Calvin. 

§ Tvtler, 11, 15 ; Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 
(| Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



enemies, Warwick, Northampton, and Pembroke. Whether 
he would have done so or not, there is no proof to show, 
and nothing was done in the matter. Somerset himself 
was ill during the whole of September and unable to 
attend the meetings of the Council, and during his 
absence his enemies had time to formulate their designs. 
On the 4th of October he was summoned to attend them, 
apparently only for the purpose of seeing Warwick created 
Duke of Northumberland, and many of his adherents 
advanced likewise.* 

Three days later Sir Thomas Palmer, " a brilliant but 
unprincipled soldier/' revealed a plot, which he alleged 
had been made by Somerset in April, to raise the people 
in the north and to murder Warwick. f To this confes- 
sion he added, during the next few days, that Somerset 
meant to have secured the Tower, raised the city of 
London, killed the horses of the gendarmes, secured the 
Great Seal with the aid of the apprentices, and invited 
Warwick, Northampton, and others to a banquet at 
Lord Paget's house, where they were all to be slain.^ 
(Note 43.) 

Such was Palmer's story. How false a one may be 
seen by the fact that Warwick himself confessed before 
his own death that Somerset had through his means been 
falsely accused ;§ and that Palmer, before his death, also 
declared that the evidence to which he had sworn had 
been invented by Warwick, and had been maintained by 
himself at Warwick's request. II (Note 44.) 

On the nth, the Council ordered an enquiry into 
Somerset's debts to the Crown. This, coupled with 
Warwick's advancement, raised his suspicions that some 
scheme was being carried out against him, but he made 
no move, and continued his attendances at Court and at 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude. 

t Froude; Wriothesley's Chronicle, 11, 56-57. 

§ Simon Renard to Charles V, MS., Record Office. 

|| Simon Renard to Charles V, MS., Record Office. 


the Council Board as if nothing had happened. On the 
1 6th he was suddenly arrested and sent to the Tower in 
the evening, and during the next few days the Duchess 
of Somerset, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Grey, Sir John 
Thynne, Sir Miles Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhope, Sir 
Thomas Arundel, Sir Thomas Holcraft, John Seymour, 
David Seymour, and many others were imprisoned.* In 
all so large a number of people were arrested, against 
whom there was no charge, that it appears as though an 
attempt was being made to persuade the people that some 
huge conspiracy had been discovered. 

Somerset's popularity had been so great that Warwick 
thought it necessary to take the greatest precautions in 
order to avoid a rising of the people. London was over- 
awed by a great parade of gendarmerie, and the city elders 
were ordered to " be greatly circumspect to see good and 
substantial watches and warding" kept, and were told 
that this was necessary because Somerset had plotted " to 
destroy the city of London and the substantial men of the 
same."f I' 1 order further to distract the minds of the 
people, several measures of reform were promised but 
never carried out, and fearing the meeting of Parliament, 
which was to take place in November, Warwick contrived 
to have it prorogued to the end of January. J 

This gave him three more months in which to bring 
his schemes to a head. November was spent in a series 
of private examinations of the prisoners in the Tower, but 
no evidence of such importance as to suit Warwick's plans 
could be secured. Palmer, by himself, was not a man 
whose confessions would obtain much credence, and Crane, 
the other principal witness, had nothing of importance to 
confess,^ yet if Warwick was to succeed, evidence must 
be forthcoming. An order was therefore sent to Sir 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 289. 
t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 289. 
X Council Warrant Book, Royal MSS., 18, c. 24, f. J 42 b. 
§ Pollard, England under Protector Somerset ; Journal in Lit. 
Remains, Edward VI. 




Arthur Darcie to permit the newly appointed Commis- 
sioners to have access to the prisoners " when and as 
often as they shall think convenient ; and farther to be 
assisting to the said Commissioners for the putting the 
prisoners, or any of them, to such tortures as they shall 
think expedient."* 

Even these extreme measures failed to produce suffi- 
ciently incriminating evidence, and what was procured 
seems to have been added to by Warwick himself, through 
whose hands the written depositions passed. " Only the 
deposition of Crane survives,! and that with the Earl of 
Arundel's confession, or rather Northumberland's version 
of it, constitutes the sole material on which to base an 
estimate of the truth of the charges against Somerset. He 
himself confessed nothing, and one day during the last 
week in November,J Northumberland wrote to Sir Philip 
Hoby and the Lieutenant of the Tower complaining of 
Somerset's silence, and ordering them to strip from him 
the Garter and Collar of the Order, even at the cost of 
personal violence."^ 

The special commission for taking the indictments had 
been issued on November 16. The Crown had then no 
more difficulty in procuring indictments than it has now. 
True bills were returned as a matter of course. Two were 
now returned by the Middlesex grand jury ; one charging 
Somerset with having, on April 20, 1551, assembled with 
Sir Michael Stanhope, Sir Miles Partridge, Sir J. Holcroft, 
and others, at Somerset House, for the purpose of im- 
prisoning Warwick and seizing the Great Seal and Tower 
of London and depriving the King of his authority ; and 
further with inciting the citizens of London to rebellion 
against the King with drums and trumpets and shouts of 

* Acts, P.C., in, 407. 

t State Papers (Domestic), Edward VI, xiii, No. 65. 
t Harleian MSS., 523, f. 26. 

§ Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 291. These 
details are taken from England under Protector Somerset, by 
Pollard, who took them from the Baga de Secretis, in the Record 


Liberty. The other charging him with having, on May 20, 
conspired with others to take and imprison Northumber- 
land, Northampton, and Pembroke. A similar indictment 
was returned by the city jury which, however, found that 
the treason had been committed at Holborn, while the jury 
of Kent placed the scene at Greenwich on April 21. It 
will be seen by these indictments that no mention is made 
of any plot of assassinating Northumberland and others. 
It seems clear, therefore, that such a charge is unfounded, 
else it would certainly have been mentioned. No reference 
to it either is made in the questions addressed to Somerset 
in his examination,* and neither Paget (at whose house 
report says the assassination was to have taken place) nor 
Arundel, both of them mentioned as accomplices and both 
enemies of Northumberland, were ever brought to trial on 
the matter, nor were they even questioned. The story 
doubtless arose from the entry in Edward VPs journal, a 
very unreliable authority, containing practically only what 
Northumberland chose to tell him. The only charges 
against Somerset were those in the indictment. These, as 
we have seen, consisted of two : assembling with others to 
take and imprison Northumberland, Northampton, and 
Pembroke, and raising the citizens of London to rebellion 
with drums and trumpets and shouts of Liberty. By law 
it was treason for twelve or more people to assemble 
together for the purpose of killing or imprisoning a Privy 
Councillor, but only if such persons refused to disperse 
when ordered to do so by the Sheriff. f It is doubtful if 
Somerset and his friends ever met in such a number or 
with such a purpose, and they had certainly never been 
called on to disperse. The charge of treason on this 
count could therefore not be sustained, and was abandoned 
at the trial. As regards the second charge in the indict- 
ment, it was felony by law to call unlawful assemblies by 
bell, trumpet, or other instruments, or to incite them to 
action by outcry or deed, but no proof was forthcoming 

* Tytler, 1 1, 48-51. 

t Statutes of the Realm, Rec. ed., Ill, 104-108. 

1 2 


that Somerset had done so. Instead there exists plenty 
proof to the contrary in chronicles and diaries kept by 
citizens at the time as well as in the State Papers, for no- 
where is there any mention made of such a proceeding on 
Somerset's part.* 

The last possible charge, according to Mr. Pollard, was 
that the incitement was only by open word. Such an 
offence required evidence. Somerset denied the charge, 
as did also his friends Vane, Stanhope, and Partridge, 
even when they were about to die. To support it there 
were only Palmer and Crane, men not to be relied on and 
who afterwards confessed to the falseness of their accusa- 
tions. The very Act upon which these accusations were 
brought was one which had been passed after Somerset's 
first fall, an Act totally contrary to the one made during 
his protectorate, and which was only temporary, as it was to 
expire at the end of the following Parliament. The Council 
as a whole do not appear to have ever been consulted 
on the charges, and the things with which he was charged 
were directed solely against Warwick and his friends, the 
very men who ordered his arrest, made their own accusa- 
tions, produced their own witnesses, whom they examined 
themselves, who acted as counsel and judges at the trial, 
and who finally decided upon the sentence and execution.* 

At five o'clock in the darkness of a winter morning 
(December i), Somerset was taken in a barge from the 
Tower to Westminster Hall to stand his trial. Still in 
fear of a popular demonstration, an order had been issued 
by the Council the day before that every householder 
should keep to his house, and a large force was held in 
readiness to suppress any outbreak. But the order was 
unheeded. At break of day " Palace Yard and the court 
before the hall were thronged with a vast multitude, all 
passionately devoted to Somerset, all execrating his rival."f 

The Court was now formed, Lord Winchester sitting 

* For detailed account, see Pollard, England under Protector 

t Froude's Hist. 



as High Steward. It had been carefully chosen, only 26 
out of 47 temporal peers having been summoned. Men 
supposed to have a leaning towards Somerset were care- 
fully excluded. Amongst them were Lord Chancellor 
Rich, the highest judge in the land, the Earls of Oxford 
and Shrewsbury, and the Lords Clinton and Willoughby; 
Paget, Arundel, and Lord Grey de Wilton had been 
confined to the Tower. Of those present the first were 
Suffolk, Northumberland (Warwick), Northampton, and 
Pembroke, all of them bitter enemies of Somerset.* 

At nine o'clock the prisoner was led to the bar and the 
trial commenced. No witnesses were produced, their 
depositions being read, with the exception of Lord Strange, 
and he only said that Somerset had asked him for assist- 
ance in bringing about a marriage between the King and 
his daughter Jane, and also to give him secret information 
of the doings of the Council — matters of small importance, 
and which Somerset denied on oath. When the evidence 
of Crane and Palmer was read, the Duke desired that the 
former might be produced to confront him, the latter, he 
said, was a worthless villain. Indeed there was much that 
could have been brought against the characters of both 
these witnesses. When he objected to them he was told 
that the worse they were the fitter they were to be his 
instruments. " Fit instruments, indeed, but rather for 
others than for me," retorted Somerset. The reading of 
the evidence over, the Lords consulted together. The 
Duke of Norfolk and others held there was no proof of 
treason, and Warwick agreed readily, knowing that a 
lighter verdict would be sufficient for his purpose. On 
the charge of felony there was some argument, and several 
Peers spoke out saying it was not right that Northumber- 
land, Northampton, and Pembroke should assist at the 
trial of a prisoner charged with conspiring against them- 
selves only. But Northumberland would not retire, he 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 300. — Taken 
from the Lord High Stewards of England in the Harleian MSS. 



replied that a peer or the realm might not be challenged 
and, the majority present being his partisans, a verdict of 
felony was passed and Somerset was condemned to death.* 
(Note 45, Appendix C.) 

The anxious crowd waiting at the doors had, however, 
only heard of the acquittal on the first charge and, as the 
Serjeant-at-Arms led the way with the axe turned from the 
prisoner, they imagined he was altogether acquitted and, 
mad with joy, sent up a shout " again, and again, and 
again, which pealed up to Charing Cross, and was heard 
in Long Acre." The crowds lining the route back to the 
Tower cried " God save him ! " " God bless our good 
Duke ! " and wherever the news reached church bells were 
rung merrily and bonfires were lit. Deep was the rage 
when the truth became known, t 

During the period of imprisonment that followed, 
Somerset again occupied himself with reading and writ- 
ing. In a little calendar which he possessed, and which is 
still in existence, he wrote the following heads of his 
reflections the day before his death. They are inscribed 
on the fly-leaf as follows : " Fere of the Lorde is the 
begynning of wisdome." " Put thy trust in the Lord 
with all thine hart." " Be not wise in thyne owne con- 
ceyt but fere the Lord." " From the Towar the day 
before my dethe 1551 (-2) E. Somerset." This same 
calendar was afterwards used by his daughter-in-law, 
Catharine Grey, during her imprisonment in the Tower 
and inside the cover, she wrote her name, "Catherine 
Seamoure, Catherine Hartford. "J 

Nearly two months elapsed after Somerset's trial with- 
out any attempt being made to carry out the sentence. 
Although the Council had been packed with Warwick's 
adherents and the King's mind poisoned with the mis- 
representations made by his enemies against Somerset, 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, 
t Wriothesley's Chron., 11, 63 ; Acts, P.C., HI, 462 ; Stowe, 
p. 607. 

I This calendar is in the Stow MS., 1 066, in the British Museum. 


II 9 

yet there was still some doubt as to whether King and 
Council would agree to his execution. The general 
public did not for one moment believe that it would be 
carried out, and Warwick found it necessary to spread 
about false stories of pardons offered and refused, and to 
pretend that there had been a gigantic conspiracy.* Parlia- 
ment had been summoned to meet on January 23, and it 
was known that neither House would suffer the Duke's 
execution to take place. Warwick knew that he could 
not prorogue them again, and that if he was to destroy 
his enemy, the deed must be done before their meeting. 

His craftiness was equal to the occasion. " On the 
1 8th of January," says Mr. Pollard, "Edward drew up 
in his own hand Certain points of weighty matters to be 
immediately concluded on by my Council.' " Among 
them was the following note : " The matter for the Duke 
of Somerset's confederates to be considered as appertaineth 
to our surety and quietness of our realme, that by their 
punishment example may be showed to others." In other 
words, the Council was ordered to take measures for 
bringing to trial Somerset's confederates, who were in 
prison but had not yet been tried. The Council met to 
discuss the matter on the following day, but before 
Edward's memorandum was submitted to its considera- 
tion, it had by means of interlineations and erasures, been 
made to read as follows : " The matter for the Duke of 
Somerset and his confederates to be considered .... 
that by their punishment and execution according to the 

/awes, example, etc "f The order for the trial of 

Somerset's confederates had become an order for the 
execution of the Duke. He was not directly referred to 
in the King's original note ; in the amended version laid 
before the Council, his was the only execution contem- 
plated, for arrangements could scarcely be made for his 
confederates' execution before they had been tried. "J 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 

t This document is in the Cotton MSS., Vesp., F. 13, f. 171. 

t Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



The ruse succeeded. The forgery passed undetected and 
the Council were easily persuaded to appoint January 22, 
the day before the meeting of Parliament , as the date on 
which Somerset was to die. 

The execution was appointed to take place on Tower 
Hill at eight o'clock in the morning,* and the same 
elaborate precautions against a tumult or attempt at 
rescue, as had been taken at the trial, were ordered for 
the execution. The citizens were to keep to their houses, 
a thousand men were brought up from the country and 
paraded on Tower Hill, where with the gendarmerie they 
formed a dense ring round the scaffold. The people, 
however, again paid no attention to the orders and by 
daybreak the great square and every approach to it were 
crowded with spectators.f 

Shortly before eight o'clock, Somerset, dressed in his 
richest and most magnificent apparel, and looking as hand- 
some and as composed as ever, arrived, surrounded by the 
various officers of state, the King's guards, and an escort 
of a thousand men from the Tower. J On reaching the 
scaffold he knelt down and said a short prayer, after which 
he made the following speech to the assembled people in 
the same distinct and even voice with which he always 
spoke : 

" Masters and good fellows. I am come hither to die ; 
but a true and faithful man as any was unto the King's 
Majesty and to his realm. But I am condemned by a 
law whereunto I am subject, as we all, and therefore to 
show obedience I am content to die. Wherewith I am 
well content, being a thing most heartily welcome to me ; 
for the which I do thank God, taking it for a singular 
benefit as ever might have come to me otherwise. For, as 
I am a man, I have deserved at God's hand many deaths ; 
and it has pleased His goodness, whereas He might have 
taken me suddenly, that I should neither have known 

* Original Letters (Parker Soc), 11, 731-2. 
t Froude's Hist. 
X Froude's Hist. 

From an old print. 


I 2 I 

Him or myself, thus now to visit me and call me with 
this present death as you do see, where I have had time to 
remember and acknowledge Him, and to know also 
myself, for the which I do thank Him most heartily. 
And, my friends, more I have to say to you concerning 
religion : I have been always, being in authority, a furtherer 
of it to the glory of God to the uttermost of my power ; 
whereof I am nothing sorry, but rather have cause and do 
rejoice most gladly that 1 have so done, for the greatest 
benefit of God that ever I had, or any man might have 
in this world, beseeching you all to take it so, and to 
follow it on still ; for, if not, there will follow and come 
a worse and great plague."* 

u Suddenly came a wondrous fear upon the people after 
those words of him spoken, by a great sound which 
appeared unto many above in the element as it had been 
the sound of gunpowder set on fire in a close house 
bursting out, and by another sound upon the ground 
as it had been the sight of a great number of great horses 
running on the people to overrun them ; so great was 
the sound of this, that the people fell down one upon the 
other, many with bylles(r), and others ran some this way, 
some that way, crying aloud, 4 Jesus save us, Jesus save 
us.' Many of the people crying 4 This way they come, 
that way they come, away ! away ! 1 And 1 looked when 
one or other should strike me on the head, so was 1 
stunned. The people being thus amassed, espy Sir Anthony 
Brown upon a little nag riding towards the scaffold, and 
therewith burst out crying in a voice, 1 Pardon ! pardon ! 
pardon ! ' hurling up their caps and cloaks with these 
words, 'God save the King, God save the King ! ' The 
good Duke all this while stayed, f and with his cap in his 
hand waited for the people to come together, saying these 
words to their words of pardon, 1 There is no such thing, 

* Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd series, 1 1 , 2 1 5-6 ; Pollard, England 
under Protector Somerset. 

t It is said that Somerset might easily have escaped in the con- 
fusion. — See Harleian MSS., 353, f. 121. 

I 22 


good people, there is no such thing, it is the ordinance of 
God thus for to die wherewith we must be content ; and I 
pray you now let us pray together for the King's Majesty, 
to whose grace I have been always a faithful, true, and 
most loving subject, desirous always of his most prosperous 
success in all his affairs ; and ever glad of the furtherance 
and helping forward of the Commonwealth of this Realm.' 
At which words the people answered, £ Yea ! yea ! yea ! ' 
and some said with a loud voice, c That is found now too 
true.' To whose grace I beseech God to send and grant 
to reign most prosperously to the pleasure of God."* 

Having finished his speech, Somerset unbuckled his 
sword and presented it to the Lieutenant of the Tower. 
His rings he handed to the executioner, and after a few 
words with the Dean of Christchurch, laid his head 
quietly and composedly on the block, f Three times he 
was heard to murmur, " Lord Jesus save me."J Then 
the executioner's arm fell and all was over. 

The people, disappointed in their hopes of a pardon, 
and touched by the manner in which he had met his end, 
now broke through the soldiery and, mounting the 
scaffold, dipped their handkerchiefs in his blood, so that 
they might have some token to preserve of the memory 
of a man who had always been their friend and who had 
espoused their cause on so many occasions.^ (Note 46.) 

" So," says Mr. Pollard, " died Somerset, without a 
word of reproach against his enemies, without a regret for 
the life he was losing, and with a confidence born of a 
clear conscience, that whatsoever he had done he had done 
for the glory of God and the welfare of his country. 
Exactly 19 months later Northumberland stood on the 
same scaffold. In abject degradation he declared that 

* For the sake of legibility it has been necessary to alter the 
spelling of the above, otherwise it has not been changed, 
t Froude. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Pollard ; Froude. 

§ Harleian MSS., 353, ff. 139 onwards; Stow; Holinshed ; 
Wriotheslev's Chron., 11, 88-9; Chron. Queen Jane (Camden 
Societv) ; Ellis, Orig. Letters, 2nd series, 11, 216. 


he had lived the life of a hypocrite, that his faith had 
really been that of the Bishops he deprived and the 
priests he persecuted, and piteously he begged for life, 
1 Yea, even the life of a 'dog.'* In politics a simple faith 
may be but a poor substitute for the arts of Macchiavelli, 
and Somerset may have been no match for the craft and 
subtlety of his rival, but when the hour came he could at 
least die with decency and spirit." 

Somerset's body was interred in the Tower, on the north 
side of the choir of St. Peter's, between the two deceased 
Queens, Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard. Nineteen 
months later the body of Northumberland was laid head- 
less by his side. 

It may seem strange that the King should have appeared 
so callous and indifferent to the fate of an uncle who had 
always shown him the greatest kindness, and to whom he 
had certainly been attached up to this period ; but it must 
be remembered that Edward was but a boy and that, in 
Bishop Burnet's words," There was all possible care taken to 
divert and entertain the King's mind with pleasing sights, 
as will appear by his journal ; which it seems had the 
effect that was desired ; for he was not much concerned 
in his uncle's preservation." The journal indeed, during 
this period, contains nothing but references to various 
sports and amusements, till January 22, when we find this 
brief entry. " The Duke of Somerset had his head cut 
off upon Tower Hill, between 8 and 9 o'clock in the 
morning."t (Note 47.) 

Most historians writing of that time, have given us their 
opinion of his character ; and it would have seemed need- 
less to add one more word concerning it, were it not that 
historians, to my mind, have persistently treated his faults 
and his virtues as if he had been a politician of the present 
century, instead of considering them in conjunction with 
the peculiar laws, manners, and customs of a remote 

* See Northumberland's speech on the scaffold, Brit. Mus. 
Royal MSS., 1 2 a, 26. 

t Journal in Lit. Remains, Edward VI. 



period. It is easy for us now to criticise and judge 
according to our present notions and ideas ; easy to 
imagine to ourselves what should have been done or what 
we ourselves would have endeavoured to do. But would 
we have done it ? Let us imagine ourselves in his place ; 
by birth but sons of a knight ; brought up with but scanty 
education, amidst wars with Scotland, wars with France, 
insurrections at home, and the plots and strife of two great 
religious parties ; spending our youth amidst the hard- 
ships and dangers of foreign campaigns, and the even 
greater dangers of a Court full of jealousies and underhand 
intrigues. Let us imagine ourselves then suddenly called 
on to fill the highest place that it is possible for a subject 
to occupy, amidst the jealousy of the rest of the nobility 
and the implacable hatred of our own brother. Should 
we have managed better ? I venture to think not. 

The Protector was proud and haughty, but not too 
overbearing ; ambitious of power, but only that he might 
do good to the people ; wealthy, yet generous ; intent on 
reforming the abuses of the Church, but moderate in his 
reforms and ready to tolerate the views of others. Faults 
he certainly had, the greatest of which perhaps for a man 
in his position was being good-natured and forgiving ; a 
fatal error and one which cannot generally be charged against 
the great men of any time. He did not use his enormous 
power to crush his foes when he might have done so, and in 
consequence they took advantage of this weakness to crush 
him. However much his Government may have failed, it 
must be owned that he was throughout actuated by the best 
of motives. Liberty ! Liberty ! was his political motto ; 
and in pursuit of this high aim he dared single-handed to 
enter into a struggle with the Council, the Parliament, the 
nobility, and the gentry. Shall we blame him for this 
Quixotic courage, which few statesmen have dared to 
show, or shall we not rather admire him for it ? Liberty ! 
the country was not yet ripe for it then. Liberty ! it is 
ours now ; and what are we that we should blame a man 
for being in advance of his time, or blame the measures 


and actions of one of the pioneers of that freedom for which 
we have cause to thank God every day of our lives ? 

Perhaps nowhere can a better idea of his life and 
character be gathered than in Mr. Pollard's essay,* which 
I venture to quote : " With all his faults of method 
and character, Somerset had instincts of genuine states- 
manship, which raised him above the personal ambitions 
and unprincipled time-serving of his colleagues. His 
means were inadequate, his time was short, and the men 
with whom he worked had no eye for the loftiness of his 
aims, and no sympathy with the motives that impelled 
him. Yet his achievements were of no mean order. He 
was born before his time, a seer of visions and dreamer 
of dreams ; but his visions were visions of the future, 
and his dreams were dreams that came true. Immediate 
failure was but the prelude to ultimate success. His 
repeal of the heresy laws, his removal of the restrictions 
on the Printing Press, his refusal to persecute for religious 
opinion, anticipated some of the reforms which are justly 
ranked amongst the greatest of the privileges enjoyed by 
Britons. The policy of sympathy towards the poor which 
the Protector by means of a transient authority sought to 
enforce, is now compelled by the surer method of a liberal 
franchise. England and Scotland have become the Great 
Britain of which Somerset dreamt, a realm having 1 the sea 
for a wall, mutual love for a garrison, and no need in peace 
to be ashamed, or in war to be afraid, of any worldly 
power.' The religious revolution, so far as he carried it, 
has been permanently established. The treason laws 
which he abolished are now a by-word, and that love of 
liberty which proved a stumbling-block to his contem- 
poraries is become the corner-stone of the British con- 
stitution. So long as civil and religious freedom remain 
ideals of English-speaking peoples, the Protector Somerset 
will be entitled to grateful remembrance as one who 
brought his country at least one step nearer toleration, 
and added at least one stone to the temple of liberty." 
* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. 



The Duke of Somerset had been married twice ; first 
to Catharine, daughter of Sir William Fillol, knight, of 
Fillol Hall, in Essex ; secondly to Anne, daughter of Sir 
Edward Stanhope, knight, of Suffolk. By the former he 
had two sons — 

Sir John Seymour, of whom we will speak presently. 
Sir Edward Seymour, of whom we will speak 

By the latter he had three sons and six daughters — 

Sir Edward Seymour, who by Act of Parliament 
(1540) was to receive the honours and estates of 
his father, and of whom we will speak later. 

Sir Henry Seymour, of whom we will speak later. 

Edward Seymour, who died unmarried in 1574. 

Anne Seymour, who was twice married ; first to 
Ambrose Dudley, son of the Earl of Warwick, 
and 2ndly to Sir Edward Unton, knight, of 
Farringdon, in Berks. 

Margaret Seymour, who died unmarried. She was 
at one time engaged to the Lord Strange but 
ceased all communication with him after his 
behaviour at her father's trial.* 

Jane Seymour, who it was said was intended by the 
Duke to have married Edward VI. (Note 48.) 
She afterwards became Lady-in- Waiting to Queen 
Elizabeth, and died unmarried at the age of 20. 

Mary Seymour, who married Andrew Rogers, of 
Brainston, in Dorset. 

Catherine Seymour, who died unmarried. 

Elizabeth Seymour, who married Sir Richard 
Knightley, of Falvesley, in Northants, and died 
in 1602. 

These daughters were all brought up with great care, 
their father being a man of considerable learning himself ; 

* Biog. Diet, of Celebrated Women. 788. 


From an old engraving. 



for he was a good French scholar, an excellent Latin one, 
had a fair knowledge of German, and was able to hold 
his own in theological discussions with the best men of 
his day. They were taught Latin and French and 
were reckoned extremely clever for their writings, which 
made a considerable mark at the time. On the death of 
Margaret of Valois, the sisters, Anne, Margaret, and 
Jane, wrote 104 Latin distiches in her honour.* These 
were so highly thought of that they were soon translated 
into French, Italian, and even into Greek. Some scholars 
of the time enlarged upon the subject and upon the 
writers. Sonnets, epigrams, and odes poured in, in 
various languages, and the poetesses have been handed 
down to posterity attended by a train of poets. (Note 49.) 

At the time of their father's imprisonment they were 
residing at Sion House, and, on their mother's arrest, were 
subjected to a severe examination, together with the whole 
household, in reference to the jewels of the Duchess, of 
which apparently they had been robbed by some of their 
domestics.f At their father's death, their mother and 
brothers being in the Tower, four of them were left 
without a home, and were sent by the Council to reside 
with their aunt, Lady Cromwell, who does not appear to 
have appreciated the charge. (Note 50.) 

The Duchess of Somerset appears to have been kept a 
prisoner in the TowerJ till after the accession of Mary, 
who released her, amongst others, on August 3, 1553. 

The Parliament then restored to her certain properties, 
and gave her all such household stock as remained at 
Killingworth, lately the property of the Duke of North- 
umberland, so that she had the gratification, not only of 
seeing the destruction of her enemy, but of sharing in his 
spoils.§ She subsequently married Francis Newdigate, 

* These verses have been published in Latin and English, 
t Fragmenta Regalia, Aadit. MS. 5498, f. 26, date Nov. 16 
1 551. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. 

§ Burghley State Papers, 1, 193. 



her late husband's steward,* and died in 1587. She was 
buried in the chapel of St. Nicholas in Westminster Abbey, 
where a fine monument was erected to her memory in the 
form of a temple made of various coloured marbles. 

She was a proud and haughty woman and is generally, 
though I think erroneously,! supposed to have aided, by 
her jealousy of Queen Catherine Parr, in bringing about 
the ill-feeling shown by Lord Seymour, of Sudeley, 
against the Duke of Somerset, his brother. One thing 
she undoubtedly did, and that was to use all her influence 
in bringing about the Act of 1 540, by which her children 
were to succeed to all the family estates and honours to 
the total exclusion of the sons of Somerset's first wife. 

There are two portraits of her, both anonymous, one 
belonging to the Duke of Northumberland and the other 
to the Earl of Stanhope. Of the Duke of Somerset 
there are several portraits, one by Holbein, belonging to 
the Duke of Northumberland, which has been engraved by 
White, Honbraken, and others ; and several anonymous, 
two of which are at Sudeley. 

[England under Protector Somerset, by A. F. Pollard ; Dic- 
tionary National Biography ; Froude's History ; Sadlier's 
State Papers ; Haynes s Burghley Papers ; Ellis's Original 
Letters ; Adit. MSS. British Museum (Hamilton Papers) ; 
Hist. MSS. Commission ; Papers of nth Duke of Somerset ; 
Calendar's Domestic, Venetian, Foreign, and Spanish State 
Papers ; Harleian MSS. ; Cottonian MSS. ; Brewer and 
Gairdner's Letters and Papers, Henry VIII ; Wiltshire 
Archaeolog. Mag. j Acts of the Privy Council, Nicholas and 
Dasent ; Lisle Papers in the Record Office ; Greyfriars 
Chronicle ; Literary Remains, Edward VI ; Wriothesley's 
Chronicle ; Rymer's Foedera ; De Selve, Corresp. Pol. ; 
Machyn's Diary ; Wood, Athenae Oxon. ; Cooper, Athenae 
Cant. ; Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies ; 
Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation ; Corr. de Marillac ; Pro- 
ceedings, Privy Council ; Memoires du Marechal de Vielle- 
ville ; Nott, Surrey's Works ; Herbert, Life and Reign 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation. 




Henry VIII ; Teulet, Papiers d'Etat relatifs a l'histoire 
d'Ecosse ; Patten, Expedition into Scotland ; Bannatyne Club, 
vol. 1 ; Knox's Works ; Strype's Eccles. Mem. Archaeologia, 
30 ; Lords' Journals ; Tytler, Life of Henry VIII j Hayward, 
Edward VI ; Lamond, A Discourse of the Commonwealth of 
this Realm of England ; Hales ; Stow's Chronicle ; Lodge's 
Portraits ; Narrative of the Reformation ; Friedman's Anne 
Boleyn ; Camden Society Publications ; Letters of Cardinal 
Pole ; Zurich Letters ; Genealogist, new ser., vol. xii ; Mem. 
du Bellay ; Somerset's Works in British Museum Library ; 
Camden's Annals ; Speed's History ; Grafton's Chronicle ; 
Baker's Chronicle ; Church Ouarterly Review, Oct. 1892 ; 
Cobbett's State Trials ; Gent.'s Mag. ; Hall's Chronicle ; 
Fabyan's Chronicle; Leland's Commentaries; Fuller's Church 
Hist. ; Holinshed's Chronicle ; Lloyd's State Worthies ; 
Nott's Works of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey ; Fox's Acts 
and Book of Martyrs ; Maitland's Essays on the Reformation ; 
Eng. Hist. Review, Oct. 1886, July 1895 ; Hoare's Modern 
Wiltshire ; Lingard's Hist. ; Dixon's Hist. Church of Eng. ; 
Spelman's Hist, of Sacrilege ; Worthies of England ; Athenae 
Brit., Mylcs Davies, vol. 11 ; Collinson's Somersetshire; 
Gasquet and Bishop, Edward VI and the Common Prayer, 

As the reader will perceive, we now have two branches 
of the Seymour family to deal with : that of the Duke 
of Somerset's progeny by his first wife, Catherine, and 
that by his second wife, Anne. On that of the latter, as 
we have seen, the family honours and estates were settled 
by an Act of Parliament, in 1540. It would be confusing 
and almost impossible to continue the history of these 
two branches at the same time. We will, therefore, 
confine the annals for the present to the descendants of 
Anne. The issue of these, as will be seen later, eventually 
fails, and the title then reverts to the elder branch accord- 
ing to the Act. When that occurs, we will retrace our 
steps to the sons of Catherine and follow their progeny 
down to the present time. 




Henry Seymour was the second surviving son of the 

Duke of Somerset, by his second wife, and was 
1540. born in the year 1540.* His youth saved him 

from imprisonment at the time of his father's trial, 
and during Mary's reign he lived, like the rest of his 
family, in retirement. 

After his father s death, when an inquiry was made by 

Parliament into the Duke of Somerset's estates, he 
1552. was granted some portions of the property which 

he apparently either sold or exchanged, for, on 

1559. June 18, 1559, he was able to complete the pur- 
chase of a large estate in Gloucestershire, called 

Gasding or Frampton Cotterell, in the parish of Framp- 
ton, owned by John Bush, of Boulton, Wilts, and lately 
occupied by Lady Cecilia Berkeley, f 

Henry Seymour was apparently inclined to lead a 
military life, but for some time he was unable to rise into 
any notice, not it appears from want of ability, but from 
his family being out of favour. Queen Elizabeth indeed 
advanced him at the same time that she restored his 
brother to the Earldom of Hertford, but the 

1560. latter's marriage to Lady Catherine Grey (1560) 
roused Elizabeth's anger, and for a time spoilt his 

1564. chances of preferment. Whilst the Earl of Hert- 
ford was in the Tower, Henry Seymour did what 
he could to obtain his pardon, and was a constant 
messenger on his brother's behalf to Elizabeth's various 
favourites.J This caused the Queen to look with greater 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Letters and papers, Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 

X State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 


Henry VIII, 1 Jane Seyi 

King of England. 

Edward VI, 
King of England. 

Louis XII, 

King of Fiance. 
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk 

Margaret Tudor—, J am , ? y Ki of Scot , and . 

-p. Archibald, Ear? of Angus. 
Margaret-,— Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox. 

Henry, Earl of Lincoln. 

Henry, Marquis of Dorset Eleanor m 

and Duke ot Suffolk. Henry Clifford, Earl , 



Henry, Lord Daml^-^Mary, Queen 
of Scotland. 

James I, King of England. 

Edward Seymour 
Lord Beauchamp, 

sabel, d. of Edwart 
Onley of Cavesby. 

Edward Seymour, Anne, d. of the Sir William Seymour,- 

d. 1618. Earl of Dorset. Earl of Hertford, created 

Marquis of Hertford, and- 
2nd Duke of Somerset. 

Arabella Stuart, 

d. 16:5. 
Frances, d. of Robert, 

Earl of Essex. 

Sir Francis Seymour,- 
c. Baron Seymour of 
Trowbridge. - 

Frances, d. of Sir 
Gilbert Prynne. 
Catherine, d. of Sir 
Robert Lee. 

Anne S. Sir Ferdinando- 
ltton, afterwards 
Lord Dudley. 

William S. Henry, Lore 
Robert S. Beauchamp. 
d. young. 

-Mary, d. of 
Lord Capel. 

John Seymour, 
w ho became 
4th Duke of 

-Sarah, widow of 
G. Grnnston, 

and d. of 
Sir E. Alston. 

Edward S. 
Arabella S. 
./. young. 

i. Richard, Viscount 
Molyneux, 2. Lord 
3. the Earl of 

Jane S., M ary 

m. Charles, m . [ne EaH 

Lord Clifford, of Winchelsea. 
son of the Earl 
of Burlington. 

William Seymour, 
d Duke of Somerset 
I. 1 67 1, unmarried. 

Thomas, Earl Elizabeth Seymour. 

of Aylesbury. 

Charles, Baron Seyn 
of Trowbridge. 

Fdwaul Seymour, 
Catherine Seymour, 

Sir George— 

-Frances Seymour. 

Elizabeth, d. of William, 
Lord Alington. 

William Ducie, Frances Seymour. 

Viscount Downe. 

1. Francis Seymour, 

2. William Seymour 

3. William Seymoiu 

4. Elizabeth Seymou 

5 th Duke of > ' 
d. 1678 

s|r Charles Gerrard Honora Seymour. 

Frances Seymour. 

-John Manners, 
Marquis of Gr.mln'. 

Heneage, Earl Charlotte Seyi 

of Aylesfbrd. 

Algernon Seymour,- 
7th Duke of Somerset, 
d. 1750. 

-Frances, d. of 
Henry Thynne. 

t, Percy Seymour, 

2. Charles Seymour, 

3. Fiances Seymour, 

d. young. 

Elizabeth The Earl of 

Seymour. Thomond. 

Catherine Sir William Marqufs <: 

Seymour. Wyndh ';„, Caermarthe 

f Anne 

George, Lord Beauchamp, 
./. 1744, unmarried. 

Sir Hugh Smithson, Elizabeth Seymour 

c. Earl and Duke of 


displeasure upon him, and we find a letter from 
1566. the Earl of Hertford to Cecil (June 24, 1566) 

complaining of the continuance of the Queen's 
heavy displeasure and that his brother, Henry, was bear- 
ing part of the penalty.* 

Lord Seymour's qualities as a soldier were, however, 
too great to be entirely overlooked and although, the 
country being at peace, he had no opportunity of dis- 
tinguishing himself, he was employed in various matters 
of importance in the country and was made one of the 

Commissioners of Musters, in which capacity he 
1569. returned a certificate, October 10, 1569, of all the 

able men, horses, armour, and weapons of the 
county of Southampton.! 

In December, 1574, he received a lease of the 
1574. Manor of Banwell, which was granted to him by 

the Bishop of Bath, at the Queen's request.^ 
The next few years passed without anything occurring 
worthy of mention, but a time was soon to come when 

Lord Seymour might have an opportunity of dis- 
1587. tinguishing himself. The great Spanish Armada 

was being prepared for the invasion of England, 
and the Prince of Parma's army was being collected ready 
to be carried over the Channel. The news of these great 
preparations duly reached Elizabeth, but, like our Govern- 
ment of the present day, she made but scanty preparations, 
preferring to trust to useless diplomacy, and thereby 
aggravating the danger. The Armada was indeed de- 
feated in the end, but, as in a more recent crisis, its 
defeat was due more to the courage and enterprise of 
private individuals than to any preparation on the part of 
the Government of the country. 

Lord Henry Seymour and Captain Winter were sent 
i gg in January with the few Queen's ships that could 
-> ' be spared them to watch the coast off Kent and 

* State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 

t State Papers, Domestic. 

t State Papers, Domestic, vol. xiv, p. 17. 

K 2 


Sussex, and prevent the landing of the Prince of 
Parma's army, whilst Drake was to watch for the Armada's 
approach, and then join Admiral Howard's squadron.^ 
The ships, however, appear not to have been ready, for 
on February 18, Howard wrote to Walsingham to say 
that Seymour had an extreme cold and was very ill, " but 
yet he will not forbear to do all services and to be stirring 
abroad," and, as the ships were only then receiving their 
victuals he had taken Seymour and Gray to Rochester, 
where they soon regained their health. " I thank God," 
writes Howard, "they are much amended. I think if I 
had not made them come to Rochester they would not 
have been able to have gone to the seas with me ; but I 
found by my dear Lord Harry that how sick soever he 
were, he would not tarry behind me."f 

At the end of February, Lord Henry sailed with 
Howard's squadron in the " Elizabeth Bonaventure." A 
mishap, however, soon befell him, for the fleet being 
driven by stress of weather into Flushing, his ship ran 
aground. The accident is described in Howard's letters 
to Burghley : " The c Elizabeth Bonaventure ' in coming 
in, by the fault of her pilot, came aground on the sand 
where there had been a hulk cast away but a month 
before, having in her one of the best pilots in the town. 
I must commend my Lord Henry Seymour wonderfully 
for his honourable mind ; for although many of the ship 
went out to save themselves for fear, he would by no 
means stir out of her, but said he would abide her fortune, 
and so encouraged them all. I and Sir Wm. Winter 
came presently aboard of her, where we found my Lord 
Harry sparing no labour for her help."£ In another he 
says, " through the personal exertions of Lord Henry 

* Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. Spanish State Papers, 
Paris Archives, written January 16, 1580. 

t Howard to Walsingham, February 14, in Laughton's Defeat 
of the Armada. 

X Howard to Burghley, March 9, in Laughton's Defeat of the 



Seymour (she) got off safe, without making a spoonful of 
water ; unless a ship had been made of iron it were 
thought to be impossible, she being twenty-seven years 
old and in constant service."* 

In April, Seymour was deputed to guard the narrow 
seas with his fleet. He had now moved into a ship called 
the "Rainbow," of 500 tons, which was manned by 250 
sailors, 30 gunners, and 70 soldiers. His squadron was 
composed of 16 of the Queen's ships, but so many 
gentlemen and private persons furnished others at their 
own expense, that before long he had close upon 50 
vessels under his command. Of these 23 were coasters, 
the largest of which was 160 tons, their total tonnage 
amounted to 2,248 tons, and they carried between them 
1,210 men.f (Note 51.) In May, having parted from 
the Lord Admiral, Seymour wrote to Burghley saying 
that he was now at Blackness, and requesting an order for 
the re-victualling of his fleet, which was already short of 
provisions. J A few days afterwards he sent to Walsing- 
ham a list of the ships and hoys provided by various 
coast towns, with full details about each, and a request 
that an order for provisions for six weeks at least might 
be sent to him.§ No attention appears to have been paid 
to his request, although an order was all that he required, 
as he states in his letter to Burghley that a Mr. Domall, 
of Blackness, had offered to supply any order for victuals, 
ammunition, or anything else required. II 

On the 17th of June, he wrote again to Walsingham 
to report that the Spanish fleet was at Ushant, a piece of 
information he had probably received from Drake, and 
stating that he was fully certain that the Prince of Parma's 

* Howard to Burghley, in State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, 
t Burghley State Papers, Murdin. 

X Seymour to Burghley, May 22. State Papers, Domestic, 

§ Seymour to Walsingham, May 28. State Papers, Domestic, 

|| Seymour to Burghley, May 22. State Papers, Domestic, 



enterprise would not go forward and that the Isle of 
Wight would probably be his mark. He also recom- 
mended the immediate recall of the Commissioners who 
had been sent to treat with the Prince of Parma.* 

During this time Lord Seymour had been cruising 
about the narrow seas, keeping a strict watch, and only 
returning to the English coast when driven by stress of 
weather. On the 23rd of June, he sent a letter to Wal- 
singham again urgently asking for a supply for his ships, 
enough for at least six weeks.f He had as yet received 
none from the Government, and would have been unable 
to keep his fleet at sea but for the generosity and public 
spirit shown by the brothers Musgrave, Captains of 
Yarmouth and Lyme, who had already supplied one 
month's victuals at their own cost and now promised to 
supply enough for another month.f He further told 
Walsingham that, in his opinion, the Prince of Parma 
was not likely to attempt anything that year for want of 
shipping, although he had 30,000 trained soldiers in 

On July 12 he wrote complaining of the weather, 
which had been more like winter than summer, with 
continual gales, one of which had just driven him back to 
the English coast, and enclosing a note of the coast ships 
that were discharged or absent from want of victuals. 
He also added that he thought it vain for the Spaniards to 
heap on braveries for the conquering of little England, 
which had always been renowned, and was now most 
famous, by its great discovered strength.^ On the 18th 
he sent another letter containing some information, and 
earnestly requesting a supply of money, his men having 
remained unpaid for 16 weeks, and it being all he could 
do to keep them from mutiny.^ 

* Seymour to Walsingham, May 28. State Papers, Domestic, 

t Same to same, June 23, June 26. State Papers, Domestic, 

X Same to same, July 12. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 



The Armada was now approaching, and he received a 
letter from Sir Francis Drake announcing its arrival, 
and directing him to be ready to lend his assistance. 
(Note 52.) He had at last got some supply of provisions 
and powder, and his fleet was fully manned. Many 
gentlemen of standing now joined him and things wore a 
brighter aspect, especially since news arrived of the success 
of the English in their first action against the Armada.* 

Seymour immediately set sail and joined the Admiral 
with all his fleet, and took part in the engagement that 
proceeded all the way up the Channel. He formed one 
of the Council that determined to drive the Spaniards 
from the harbour, into which they had fled, by means of 
fire-ships and, after the success of that scheme, he took a 
prominent part in the engagement that ensued, attacking, 
with the help of Sir William Winter in the "Vanguard," 
one of the largest Spanish galleons, which they drove into 
the body of the fleet in such a crippled state that it sank 
during the night ; after which they each attacked one of 
the largest and best equipped of the Spanish fleet, doing 
them such damage that their crews ran them ashore on 
the coast of Flanders in a sinking state. Here the 
Spaniards were soon overpowered by the Zealanders and 
taken prisoners into Flushing.! 

Lord Henry was unable to take any further part in the 
pursuit, as he was now ordered back to guard the English 
coast and prevent the Prince of Parma from embarking 
his army. This order seems to have grieved and annoyed 
him, for in his letter of August 1 to the Queen describing 
the battle, &c, he signs himself " Her Majesty's most 
bounden and faithful Fisherman,J H. Seymour," and his 
next letter to Walsingham shows his annoyance. (Note 53.) 

* Seymour to Walsingham, July 25. State Papers, Domestic, 

t State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 

t The fleet on the coast was probably composed mostly of 
fishing boats and private craft, the larger ships being required 
elsewhere. See Laughton, foot-note to Seymour's letter to the 



If we are to judge by Lord Seymour's letters (inserted 
in the Notes) there were several factions and jealousies 
amongst the fleet, and the other leaders did not intend 
that he should gain any portion of the honour and glory 
of a great victory.* Let no blame, however, be imputed 
to those great and gallant seamen whose names are for 
ever famous. Men are but men, and jealousy has always, 
and will always, exist amongst the greatest and most 
successful commanders on sea and land. Seymour had 
not been bred to the sea like the others, although when 
the time came he showed an ability that surprised them. 
He was of a great family, and well received and known at 
Court. If he were permitted to do great deeds, his name 
and fame would be extolled, and less notice would be paid 
to the deserts of the great men with him — men who had 
spent their lives braving the dangers of the ocean and 
fighting in foreign seas. They doubtless looked upon 
Seymour as of a different class to themselves, and they 
were right. He was not one of them. Equal they might 
be in courage, daring, and ability, but there equality must 
cease. Birth, rank, and influence made a gap between 
them that was not easily filled up. 

One, however, the Lord Admiral Howard, had no other 
reason to influence his conduct unless it were jealousy, 
pure and simple. So Seymour apparently thought, but 
let us hope that in this he was mistaken. Howard's 
courage and abilities place him so high that none can wish 
to cast ever so slight an aspersion on his character. 

Seymour obeyed his orders promptly, and remained in 
the station he was appointed to till all fear of an invasion 
was over, although he freely expressed his intention of not 
continuing in any command once his duty to his country 
no longer called upon him for service.f 

When the fleet he commanded was disbanded, Seymour 
returned to Court, where he received the thanks of 

* Seymour's Letters to Walsingham during August. State 
Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 

T Seymour to Walsingham. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 



g the Queen for the services he had rendered, and 
was appointed to the Governorship of the island 
of Guernsey. (January.)* 

He does not appear to have taken part in any further 
affairs of the period, and we find no mention of 
1 600. him afterwards, except that in 1 600 he made a claim 
for the continuance of a pension of ^300 which 
the Queen allowed him, and which had fallen into arrear. 

He married Joan, daughter of Thomas, Earl of North- 
umberland, but left no issue.f The date of his death is 

From the little information there is to be gathered 
about his life it is difficult, if not impossible, to attempt to 
gauge his character with any accuracy. He was seriously 
handicapped at the outset of his career by the attainder 
against his family, and later by the rage of the Queen at 
his brother's marriage. Afterwards he found himself in 
the important and responsible position of guarding 
England's shores against a projected invasion or 30,000 
men, and he showed great resource, daring, and courage 
in his engagement with the enemy and the handling of his 
fleet. He appears to have been a capable and courageous 
leader, and to have carried out to the satisfaction of all, 
such duties as were entrusted to him. This is all we know. 
Had his opportunities been greater he might have made 
himself a lasting name or he might have failed entirely. 
We cannot tell, but such record as remains tells us that he 
did his duty well in the position that he occupied, and no 
man can be expected to do more. 

[Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Letters and Papers relating to Sevmour 
family, collected by nth Duke of Somerset; State Papers, 
Domestic, Elizabeth ; Letters, Bernardino de Mendoza to the 
King of Spain, Spanish State Papers ; Papers relating to the 
Defeat of the Spanish Armada, ed. Laughton ; Burghley 
State Papers, ed. Murdin.] 

* Bernardino de Mendoza to the King, March 4, 1589. 
Spanish State Papers, 
t Diet. Nat. oiog. 




Edward Seymour was the eldest surviving son of the 
Duke of Somerset, by his second wife, Anne, and upon 
him therefore were the honours and estates of his father 

settled by the Act of 1 540. He was born on the 
1 539- 25th of May, 1539, and baptized soon after, 

having for his godfathers the Dukes of Norfolk 
and Suffolk * 

He was educated together with the young prince until 

the latter' s accession to the throne, and received 
1547. the honour of knighthood at his coronation, 

February 20, 1547. On April 7th, 1550, he was 
1550. sent to France as one of the English hostages, and 

was absent three weeks, f On this occasion he 
was equipped entirely at the King's expense. 

On the death of his father he became de jure Duke of 

Somerset, for the attainder against the Duke did 
1552. not affect his dignities or estates. He was never, 

however, permitted to enjoy them, for his father's 
enemies almost immediately brought an Act into Parlia- 
mentj " for the limitation of the late Duke of Somerset's 
lands," in which a clause was inserted declaring that not 
only all lands and estates belonging to the late Duke were 
to be forfeited, but all his dignities and titles as well, that 
is, as far as they affected his issue by his second wife.§ 
Hitherto Edward Seymour had always been styled Earl 
of Hertford, but he now became Sir E. Seymour, and 
found himself almost dependent for his support upon his 
father's former agent, Sir John Thynne. 

* Gairdner, Letters and Papers, xiv, i, 1026, 1033. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 
t 5 Edward VI. 

§ Cobbett, State Trials, i, 526-7. 



The Seymour family, however, made strenuous efforts, 
through their friends in Parliament, to recover some of 
the family property, with the result that a court or com- 
mittee was appointed, with the Marquis of Winchester at 
its head, to apportion such lands to the Duke's children as 
had been the patrimony of their respective mothers, and 
to arrange for due compensation in the case of any such 
lands as had been sold. (Note 54.) As the outcome of 
this inquiry, Sir Edward Seymour received a considerable 
number of manors and estates in the eastern portion of 
the county of Wilts, and was given full compensation for 
Somerset Place, which had been confiscated with the rest. 
The restitution of these properties was carried out by 
means of letters patent, and the King undertook the 
payment of the late Duke's debts.* 

It will be remembered that the Duke of Somerset 
during his Protectorate had shown the Princess Mary 
very great kindness, especially in the matter of pursuing 
her religion unmolested. The Princess was not one to 
entirely forget such kindness, and, on her accession to the 
throne, she not only left the Seymours in peace in the 
exercise of their Protestant faith, but released the Duchess 
of Somerset from her imprisonment in the Tower, and 
granted her some lands. She also permitted an Act to be 
passed restoring Sir Edward Seymour in blood,t and appa- 
rently thought of creating him Earl of Hertford, but from 
this she was dissuaded by her ministers. £ 

The accession of a Protestant Sovereign, however, pro- 
mised to improve matters still further. Elizabeth also had 
cause to remember many kindnesses received at the hands 
of the Protector, and to show her gratitude for these, 
within two months of her inheriting the throne, she 

* Papers relating to Seymour family, collected by 1 ith]Duke of 

t But with an express proviso that he should not succeed in 
consequence of this restitution to any of the lands forfeited by the 
attainder of the Duke. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. 



created Seymour, Baron Beauchamp and Earl of 

1559. Hertford, January 13, 1559.* In support of this 
title he was granted £20 a year out of the customs 

of Southampton. 

The Earl of Hertford was now in a position when great 
things might have been expected of him, for he was in 
great favour with his Sovereign, and many roads of 
preferment were open to him. His affections, however, 
were at that time greater than his ambition, and he soon 
incurred the everlasting enmity of the Queen by secretly 
marry ingf the Lady Catherine Grey, whose claim 

1560. to the throne was such as to form a latent menace 
to the peace and security of Elizabeth's reign. 

The Lady Catherine was one of the Suffolk family, whose 
pretentions to the Crown rested on the fact that Frances, 
Duchess of Suffolk, was the daughter of Princess Mary, 
younger sister to Henry VIII. The Duchess's elder 
daughter, Lady Jane Grey, had been proclaimed Queen 
of England on the death of Edward VI, and had been 
sent to the scaffold by Queen Mary. The younger 
daughter, Lady Catherine, only remained ;J but, in view 
of what had already occurred, it was not unnatural that 
Elizabeth should regard her every action with suspicion 
and dread, especially as, according to Henry VIIFs will, 
Lady Catherine stood next to Elizabeth in the succession 
to the Crown, now that Lady Jane was dead. 

The Lady Catherine was born in 1 540,^ and receiving 
the same careful education as her sister, became equally 
learned and accomplished. On the 21st of May, 1553, 
she was betrothed to Henry Herbert, II afterwards second 
Earl of Pembroke, whose father took an active part in 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t In November or December, Diet. Nat. Biog. 
X It appears there was a third, a younger sister, Lady Mary 

§ Notes and Queries, 8th series, vii and viii, February to August, 
1895 ; Cal. State Papers, Dom. Add., 1580, 1625, p. 404. 

|| Notes and Queries, 8th series, vii and viii, February to August, 
1895 i Cal. State Papers, Dom. Add., 1580, 1625, p. 404. 


the schemes of the Duke of Northumberland. No mar- 
riage was ever consummated,* however, and after the 
execution of Lady Jane Grey and her father, the Duke of 
Suffolk, the Earl of Pembroke became afraid for his own 
future if he should be found to have married the heir to 
the Crown, and so procured a divorce or annulment of his 
marriage contract.! 

During the remainder of Mary's reign Lady Catherine 
lived under the care of the Duchess of Somerset, and it 
was during these years that an attachment sprung up 
between Catherine and young Seymour, which was appa- 
rently viewed with approval by her mother, the Duchess 
of Suffolk. J Nothing, however, could be done while 
Mary was in power, but on Elizabeth's accession their 
hopes of success grew greater, for both found themselves 
looked upon with more favour, Catherine being given 
a place about the Court and Seymour being created Earl 
of Hertford. 

They now set about endeavouring to gain Elizabeth's 
consent to their union through the intercession of the 
Duchess of Suffolk, but, unfortunately for them, the latter 
died (December, 1559), before she had been able to do 
anything in the matter.§ Several small matters that 
occurred at the time soon began to show them that 
Elizabeth's consent was not likely to be obtained, and, 
despairing of success if they appealed to her, they resolved 
to be married in private and to await a more suitable time 
for making public their union. Hertford's young sister, 

Jane Seymour, was taken into their confidence ; and 
1560. one day at the latter end of 1560, when the Queen 

was hunting at Eltham, and the two young ladies 
had been excused from accompanying her, the latter 
seized the opportunity, and, having escaped unnoticed 

• Notes and Oueries, 8th series, vii and viii, February to August, 
1805 ; Cal. State Papers, Dom. Add., 1580, 1625, p. 404. 
T Craik's Romance of the Peerage ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 
t Harleian MS., 6286. 

§ Craik's Romance of the Peerage ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 



from Whitehall, proceeded to Hertford's house in Cannon 
Row.* It was quickly arranged between them that the 
marriage should take place at once, and Lady Jane .went 
out to procure a clergyman, who had doubtless been told 
to hold himself in readiness, and who appears to have been 
a Protestant lately returned from Germany. The mar- 
riage was duly solemnized in the Earl's room, and such 
was their haste and inexperience that it never occurred to 
them to get suitable witnesses. The priest and Lady Jane 
were the only persons present at the union of the heir to 
the throne to the head of one of the great houses of 

Lady Catherine returned immediately afterwards to 
Whitehall, and resumed her occupations about the 
1 5 6 1 . Court, and in June Hertford went to Paris with Mr. 

Thomas Cecil, afterwards Marquis of Exeter, chiefly 
with the object of studying the French language. This trip 
does not appear to have been attended with success. Cecil 
gave way to the dissipations of Paris and made no progress. 
His tutor, Thomas Windebank, not liking to report this 
to Thomas Cecil's father, laid all the blame on Hertford, 
and a good deal of correspondence ensued between the 
Duchess of Somerset and Sir William Cecil over the 
accusations unjusdy laid to Hertford's charge. J 

Lady Catherine's condition, meanwhile, was causing 
some remark about the Court, seeing which she confided 
her marriage to Mistress Saintlow (afterwards the famous 
Countess of Shrewsbury) and sought her advice. The 
news soon spread, and in August it became a matter of 
common knowledge. Elizabeth at once sent her to the 
Tower, and, in a letter, ordered the Lieutenant of that 
place to examine her most strictly as to her marriage ; 
" and let her certainly understand that she shall have no 
manner of favour except she will show the truth, not only 

* Harleian MS., 6286. 

t Harleian MS., 249 ; Cooper's Life and Letters of Arabella 

t Cal. State Papers, Domestic. 



what ladies or gentlewomen of this Court were thereto 
privy, but also what lords and gentlemen ; for it doth now 
appear that sundry personages have dealt therein, and, 
when it shall appear more manifestly, it shall increase our 
indignation against her if she will forbear to utter it." 
Saintlow was also to be taken to the Tower, and to be 
frightened into some confession by being told that 
Catherine had confessed all.* No confession, however, 
resulted from these examinations. t 

Elizabeth evidently thought that she had come upon 
some deeply-laid plot, and, although entirely mistaken in 
this, she never got over her suspicions. She had, indeed, 
already had some cause to be afraid, for, not long before, 
a scheme had been formed by Philip of Spain for carrying 
off Lady Catherine and then raising her claim to the 
English throne under pretence of the alleged bastardy of 

As soon as Hertford heard that his marriage had been 
discovered, he at once returned to England, arriving at 
the end of August, and on September 5 was sent to the 
Tower. Two days afterwards he was visited by the Lord 
Treasurer and other official persons, and examined on a 
list of charges that had been formally drawn up, and on 
the 1 2th the Lady Catherine was similarly examined.^ 
They both declared themselves married.§ 

On the 24th, Lady Catherine gave birth to a son, 
Edward, Lord Beauchamp. A commission was imme- 
diately appointed, headed by Parker, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, to make full enquiries and "judge" of her 
" infamous conversation M and " pretended marriage," and 
to make more sure of their verdict, Elizabeth so hastened 
this commission that only a few hours were allowed in 
which to procure witnesses for the defence.^ 

* Craik's Romance of the Peerage ; Parker Corr., p. 149 ; 
Aiken's Court of Elisabeth, 351-2. 

t Sir E. Warner to the yueen ; State Papers, Domestic, 
t W right, Elisabeth, i, 7, 8 ; Cal. Hatfield MSS., i, 279. 
§ Cal. State Papers, Domestic, 1 561 . 



Both Lady Catherine and the Earl adhered steadfastly 
to the fact that they were married, and in their separate 
examinations agreed in every detail of the ceremony. 
Their description of the clergyman and of the positions 
occupied by the four persons present and many other 
minute details tallied exactly. Lady Catherine also 
produced the ring used on the occasion, which 
consisted of five gold links, on each of which was 
engraved a line of verse composed by the Earl, and 
which could hardly have served for any other purpose 
than that of a wedding-ring.* Unfortunately for them 
the Lady Jane Seymour, who had assisted at the marriage, 
had died a few months previously, there was no docu- 
mentary evidence to support their statements, and the 
clergyman who had performed the ceremony could not be 
found. It appears that the latter was afraid to come for- 
ward at the time, and the short notice allowed in which to 
collect witnesses did not permit of any extensive search 
being made for him. 

The commission proceeded to announce its decision on 

the 1 2th May, 1562. It was to the effect that 
1562. there had been no marriage, and that the child 

must be declared illegitimate.f According to an 
Act passed in 1536, it had been made treason for a person 
of the royal blood to marry without the Sovereign's 
consent, and had Elizabeth chosen she could have pro- 
ceeded to much greater severities under that Act than she 
could by merely declaring the marriage illegal. The 
latter course, however, suited her best for, in following it, 
she hoped not only to bring discredit on Lady Catherine 
but to remove a future danger in the shape of her son by 
casting a doubt upon his birth, whereas had she proceeded 
under the Act she must have acknowledged the marriage 
and, though it might have enabled her to remove the 
mother, the son might have become a more dangerous 

* Craik's Romance of the Peerage. 

t Harleian MS., 6286, contains a detailed account of the com- 
mission's proceedings. 



rival. In addition the popularity of the Earl and 
Countess of Hertford was too great for Elizabeth to 
venture upon any extreme measures against them. 

Popular feeling ran so high indeed in favour of the 
prisoners, and the decision of the Commissioners was so 
generally regarded as unjust,* that Elizabeth did not for 
the moment dare to award any punishment otherwise than 
to continue their imprisonment in the Tower, to the 
Lieutenant of which she gave strict orders that they were 
to be kept separate. These orders, however, were not 
strictly enforced, and the Earl had many opportunities of 
seeing and conversing with his wife, with the result 
1563. that on the nth of February, 1563, a second son 
was born, who was christened Thomas, t 

The news of this event added greatly to the Queen's 
anger and, in consequence, Hertford was brought up 
before the Star Chamber and accused of three capital 
crimes, namely, " of breaking prison, of debauching a 
lady of the blood royal, and of abusing her a second 
time." He was fined £5,000 for each offence, £15,000 
in all, and the Lieutenant of the Tower was dismissed for 
having permitted the intercourse. The Earl, however, 
was never called upon to pay this enormous sum, which 
it is doubtful if he would have been able to do, for the 
Queen soon remitted £10,000 of it in consideration of an 
immediate payment of £1,000, and later on remitted the 
remainder for a further payment of £1,187.! (Note 55.) 

There appears at this time to have been some project 
amongst a portion of the Protestant leaders of settling the 
Crown on Lady Catherine and her children, for we read in 
Quadra's letter to the King of Spain, March i8,§ u It is 
true that Cecill is playing his game to give the Crown to 
the Earl of Hertford as Lethington understands, but the 

* Ailcin's Court of Elizabeth, 353. 
t Crailc's Romance of the Peerage ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 
X Wilts. Archa^olog. Mag., xv, 153. The fine was not finally 
remitted till J 57 1 . See Note. 
§ Spanish State Papers. 




adherents to such a course will be weak in comparison to 
the Catholic party who favour the Queen of Scotland, as 
some of the heretics side with Huntingdon and some 
have no fixed plan, but will follow the strongest.'' In 
another letter, in speaking of a meeting to discuss the 
succession, he says, " I think they (the Catholic leaders) 
saw that when the principal of them were all here together, 
the city being so much in favour of the Earl of Hertford 
on the ground of religion, the Crown might be given 
suddenly to Lady Catherine, his wife, and the rest of them 
all taken prisoners and put safe under lock and key. 
They have, therefore, gone to their homes without doing 
anything in this business of the succession except to 
notify another Parliament in October."* The Lady 
Catherine and Hertford appear, however, to have had 
nothing to do with these plots, and not to have desired 
to make any claim upon the Crown. 

Their imprisonment continued during the summer 
months, but the plague breaking out in London, Eliza- 
beth commanded that they should be removed from the 
Tower, the Lady Catherine being consigned to the custody 
of Sir John Grey at his house of Pirgo, in Essex, and 
Lord Hertford being given over to the custody of his 
mother and Francis Newdigate, her second husband. t 
Strict orders were given that no intercourse should be 
permitted between them, but that they were still to be 
treated as prisoners. 

It is possible that Elizabeth, if we may judge by her 
letters, was inclined now to abate her severity, and 
possibly in the end to grant a pardon, should the Earl 
and Countess conform to her desires during this new 
phase of their imprisonment. But if any thoughts or 
showing greater leniency ever entered her head, they were 
speedily dispelled to make way for her old anger and 
hatred. John Hales, a learned man, chose this inoppor- 
tune moment to publish his assertion of Lady Catherine's 

* Quadra to the King, April 24. — Spanish State Papers, 
t State Papers, Domestic. 



claim to the royal succession* and Elizabeth's fears and 
jealousies were at once aroused. (Note 56.) Hertford 
was sent for and re-committed to the Tower, 
1564. May 26, 1564, and a stricter supervision was 
kept over Lady Catherine. 
Sir John Grey dying on November 21, the Lady 
Catherine was removed to the custody of Sir William 
Petre,t who had just retired from the post of Secretary of 
State and lived for the most part at Ingatestone, in Essex. 
There she remained until May, 1566, when the Queen 
ordered her removal to the custody of Sir John Went- 
worth, of Gosfield Hall, in Essex. This gentleman 
appears to have been by no means pleased with the 
responsibility of the charge committed to his care and to 
have repeatedly, but ineffectually, petitioned the Queen 
to relieve him of the burden. He died in September, 
1567, upon which Lady Catherine was confided to the 
care of Sir Owen Hopton, of Cockfield Hall, Yoxford, 
in Suffolk. J 

During all this time Lady Catherine and her friends 
had made strenuous endeavours to obtain the Queen's 
pardon, but without success. Hertford also had gained 
the sympathy of many of the most influential people 
about the Court, but nothing could now shake Elizabeth's 
determination to keep them in custody. Her fears for 
the stability of her own power were too great, and were 
further increased by the sympathy and affection with 
which her prisoners were regarded by the people. The 
continued worry and misery of imprisonment had told 
severely upon Lady Catherine's health. She had written 
more than once craving the Queen's pardon for the only 
offence she could or would acknowledge, that of having 
married without her Majesty's consent. Sir John Grey, 

* Harleian MS., 537. This pamphlet of Hales's caused a con- 
siderable commotion, known as the u Tempestas Halesiana." 

t Notes and Queries ; Lansdowne MS., 102, Art. 57. 

t Notes and (Queries, 8th ser., vii and viii, February to August, 
1895, by W. L?Tlutton. 

L 2 



whilst she was with him, had written drawing a sad 
picture of her sufferings. "The thought and care she 
taketh for the want of Her Highness's favour pines her 
away. Before God I speak it, if it comes not the sooner, 
she will not long live thus. She eateth not above six 
morsels to the meal. If I say unto her 6 Good Madam, 
eat somewhat to comfort yourself,' she falls a weeping, 
and goeth up to her chamber ; if I ask her what the cause 
is, she answers me, c Alas, uncle, what a life is this to me, 
thus to live in the Queen's displeasure ! But for my 
Lord and my children, I would to God I were buried."* 
On the 1 2th of December, Sir John again wrote repre- 
senting her pitiable state. The last few days she had not 
left her chamber nor yet her bed ; he never went to her 
but found her in tears ; and earnestly begged Cecil " for 
the mutual love which ought to exist between Christian 
men, and for the love wherewith God hath loved us " to 
endeavour to procure some favour from Elizabeth.! 
Lady Catherine also wrote about the same time : " What 
the long want of the Queen's Majesty's accustomed 
favour towards me hath bred in this miserable and 
wretched body of mine, God only knoweth, as I daily 
more and more, to the torment and wasting thereof, do 
otherwise feel than I am well able to express ; which if 
it should any long time thus continue, I rather wish of 
God shortly to be buried in the faith and fear of him 
than in this continual agony to live."J These appeals, it 
might be thought, would have softened the heart of most 
women, but Elizabeth seems to have been singularly 
wanting in those attributes of sympathy and kindness 
with which her sex, for the most part, are endowed. 

Lady Catherine remained a prisoner in the custody 
of Sir Owen Hopton at Cockfield Hall, Yoxford, in 
Suffolk, until her death, which occurred January 27, 
r 568.5 She does not appear to have suffered from any 

* Ellis's Original Letters, CL, xiv. 

t Ellis's Original Letters, CL, xvi. 

t Ellis's Original Letters, CL, xvii. 

§ Diet. Nat. Biog. 


I 49 

malady, but to have gradually pined away from sheer 
unhappiness at being totally separated from those she 
loved. An affecting account of her last hours is given 
in one of the Harleian MSS.* It appears that she 
realized that her end was near and spent the previous 
night in prayer with those about her. In the early 
morning, between six and seven o'clock, she requested 
to see Sir Owen Hopton, and spoke to him as follows : 
" I beseech you, promise me one thing, that you your- 
self with your own mouth will make this request unto 
the Queen's Majesty, which shall be the last suit and 
request that ever I shall make unto Her Highness, even 
from the mouth of a dead woman ; that she would for- 
give her displeasure towards me, as my hope is she hath 
done. I needs must confess I had greatly offended her 
in that I made my choice without her knowledge, other- 
wise I take God to witness I had never the heart to 
think any evil against Her Majesty. And that she should 
be good unto my children, and not to impute my fault 
unto them, whom I give wholly unto Her Majesty ; for 
tn my life they have had few friends, and fewer shall they 
have when I am dead, except Her Majesty be gracious unto 
them. And I desire Her Highness to be good unto my 
Lord, and, for I know this my death will be heavy news 
unto him, that Her Grace will be so good as to send 
liberty to glad his sorrowful heart withall." She then 
called for her box of trinkets and, taking from it a ring 
with a pointed diamond in it, she handed it to him, saying, 
" Here, Sir Owen, deliver this unto my Lord ; this is the 
ring that I received of him when I gave myself unto him 
and gave him my faith." " And there is my wedding- 
ring," she continued, taking another ring out of the box. 
(Note 57.) (It was the same ring, consisting of five 
gold links engraved with the Earl's verses, that she had 
exhibited to the Commission of Enquiry.) " Deliver this 
also unto my Lord, and pray him, even as I have been to 

* XXXIX, f. 380, printed in Ellis's Original Letters, 2nd ser. 
vol. 1 1 . 


him, as I take God to witness I have been, a true and 
faithful wife, that he would be a loving and a natural 
father unto my children ; unto whom I give the same 
blessing that God gave unto Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob." 
She then handed him a third ring, saying, " This shall be 
the last token unto my Lord that ever I shall send him ; 
it is the picture of myself." This ring bore a death's 
head on it, surrounded with the words, " While I live, 
yours." Her strength was now exhausted and, after a 
little time, finding the end at hand she exclaimed, " So 
here he is come. Welcome, death," and passed peace- 
fully away with a joyful countenance. 

" Thus," says Mr. Craik, in his Romance of the Peerage, 
" died, without one of her blood near her, cast out, as it 
were, and abandoned to strangers and servants, the great 
grand-daughter of Henry VII, within 60 years from the 
time when that great King wore the crown. Old men 
might still remember when her mother's mother was first 
the betrothed of the future Emperor of Germany and 
then the Queen of France ; and it was but as it were 
yesterday that her elder sister, whose heir and represen- 
tative she was, had been proclaimed Queen of England. 
She had not lived 30 years, and for half of that space her 
existence had been little else than a succession of miseries. 
From the time when she was a girl of 14 the few 
months of her stolen and perilous intimacy with Hertford 
— extending at most over little more than the two years 
1559 and 1560 — were the only interval of anything like 
happiness that she had known. It were hard to say 
whether the seven years that preceded that gleam of 
troubled and treacherous sunshine, or the seven that 
followed it, had been the darker. The slaughter of a sister 
and a father, the ruin of her family, and all her own peculiar 
wrongs at that period, floods of tears as we are told they 
wrung from her eyes, probably did not crush the life of 
her heart as much as did the hard usage she afterwards 
experienced. That would bring most of the wearing-out- 
sickness of hope deferred. All that is known of her, 


too, would lead us to believe that she was of a gentle and 
affectionate nature, and ill-constituted for being so roughly 
tried — except, indeed, that the meek, considerate, and 
patient spirit, which we have seen manifesting itself so 
touchingly in the closing scene of her life, would also 
beautify and bless the whole course of it. With so kind 
a heart she could not but win the attachment of every 
living thing that came near her. It used to be one 
of the traditions about her among the people of Yoxford, 
that after her death a little dog which she had would taste no 
food, but went and lay down and died upon her grave." 

The Lady Catherine was buried at Yoxford with all 
the pomp and ceremony befitting her rank, but later on 
her remains were removed to Salisbury, either by her 
husband or grandson.* 

It has often been alleged that Hertford had entered 
into this marriage to advance himself, but such could not 
have been the case, and the allegation is practically disproved 
by the love and affection exhibited in his letters. When 
they first met, Lady Catherine had just been divorced by 
Pembroke, who dared not face the danger of a union with 
a lady so nearly allied to the throne but whose claim 
appeared hopeless, her elder sister and father had been 
beheaded by Mary, her family was ruined, and she her- 
self was in disgrace. A marriage with her could bring 
no advancement and was certain to meet with severe 
punishment if not with death. Yet Hertford was pre- 
pared to face anything if he could only win her for his 
wife, and when their marriage was discovered, instead of 
remaining abroad in security and trying to raise a party 
to assert her claim to the Crown, he returned at once to 
share her imprisonment and never countenanced or took 
part in any plot against Elizabeth, though success would 
have gained him his freedom. The more the facts of 
his marriage are studied, the more does it appear that he 
never had any ulterior view, and that he looked upon the 
Lady Catherine as a true and lovable woman and not 
* Notes and Queries. 


as a possible Queen. Had this not been the case, he 
surely would have taken the precaution to procure sub- 
stantial witnesses to his marriage, so that no doubt might 
afterwards be cast upon its validity. His very careless- 
ness in this matter is a proof that he had no designs upon 
the throne, and that love, and love only, was the cause 
of the marriage ; and that love lay so deep in his heart 
and memory that, though he was afterwards twice married, 
he gave strict injunctions that, at his death, his remains 
should be laid by Catherine's side, an order that was 
duly carried out. (Note 58.) In life the lovers were 
separated, but in death they repose together in the ancient 
and beautiful cathedral of Salisbury.* 

Although Lady Catherine was now dead, Elizabeth 
continued to keep the Earl of Hertford in the Tower, 
but towards the latter end of the year he was re- 
1 57 1 . moved and remained, until 1 571, in a somewhat 
easier confinement in various country houses.f 

When eventually his release came, it found him some- 
what broken in health and spirits. The long confinement 
and the anxiety he had endured on his wife's account, had 
told heavily upon him. His best years had been spent in 
prison, and his energy for a time was sapped. Being still 
out of favour he, not unnaturally, elected to remain quiet 
for a time, though he never ceased to endeavour to have 
the validity of his marriage and the legitimacy of his sons 
made clear to the world. This doubtless caused him to 
seek Elizabeth's favour more than he would otherwise 
have done. Elizabeth was selfish, cruel, vindictive, a 
woman probably without a heart or soul, but she had 
courage, and was now firmly seated on the throne, and it 
was possible that in one of her more generous moods she 
might, as eventually she did, do justice to his children. 
It was doubtless better to rely upon one of these spasmodic 
flashes of generosity than to hope for anything from the 
cold, calculating spirit of James, whose cowardice was too 

* Life and Letters of Lady Arabella Stuart, 
t Wilts. Archaeolog. Mag., xv, 153. 



great to allow of any generosity or justice towards a pos- 
sible rival, as Hertford's son might become. 

On the 30th of August, Hertford was created M.A. of 

Cambridge and, on February 2, 1572, was ad- 
1572. mitted a member of Gray's Inn.* About the 

same time he was appointed one of the judges for 
the trial of the young Duke of Norfolk, who was ac- 
cused of treasonable practices, into which he had apparently 

been drawn by his attachment to Mary, Queen of 

1578. Scots. In 1578 he was placed on the Commission 
for the Peace in the county of Wilts, and the year 

1579. after was appointed one of the Commissioners for 
musters in the same county.* For a considerable 

time he had been endeavouring to recover certain lands 
that he claimed should have come to him from the distri- 
bution of his father's estates, and succeeded in obtaining 
a confirmation of certain grants, though not without 
meeting with considerable opposition. What he claimed 
and received was not nearly so much as he considered he 
was entitled to, but, as he himself said, he wished only to 
place what he had got on a secure footing, and to avoid 
further disturbance. At the foot of one of the papers 
relating to his petitions for a confirmation of title, he 
wrote, " Note. — This that I seek is but a feather of mine 
own goose : whereas if I were ambitiously disposed . . . 
I should have claimed restitution of the whole once meant 
me by Queen Mary, contrary to me in Religion. "f (Note 
59.) The income accruing from the lands originally 
restored to him by Parliament had been kept during his 
minority and afterwards during his imprisonment, so that 
he had at his disposal, after his release, a considerable sum 
of ready money. 

In October, 1586, he was sent in company with Lord 

Admiral Howard in command of a strong escort 
1586. to remove the Queen of Scodand from the castle 

where she was to another within a few miles of 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Wilts. Archaeofog. Mag., xv, App., No. vii. 



Windsor.* Early in the following year he was 
x 5 i' one of the Commissioners sent by Elizabeth to 
Flanders, f and at the alarm occasioned by the approach of 
the Spanish Armada, he was one of those noblemen who 
raised bands of horsemen to join the large army of 81,000 
men, under the Earl of Leicester and Lord Hunsdon, 

which was paraded before the Queen. In 1590, 

1590. he erected a great monument at Great Bedwyn to 
his grandfather, Sir John Seymour, and the fol- 
lowing year he built Easton church, but appears to have 
been somewhat niggardly in his expenditure over it, for it 
has been described as a mean edifice. 

About this year, during one of the Queen's pro- 
gresses through the country, we are told that 

1 591. she was sumptuously entertained by the Earl 
of Hertford at Elvetham in Hampshire. " In 

spite of the former treatment he had received at her 
hands, he appears to have been anxious to win some 
favour from her, probably for the sake of his children. 
Elvetham, which was little more than a hunting-seat, was 
far from possessing sufficient accommodation for the 
Court ; but the Earl, who was probably one of the 
richest noblemen in England, supplied its deficiencies by 
very extensive erections of timber, fitted up and furnished 
with the greatest elegance. He also caused a large pond 
to be dug containing three islands, artificially constructed 
in the likeness of a fort, a ship, and a mount, for the 
exhibition of fireworks and other splendid pageantries. 
The water was made to swarm with swimming and wading 
sea gods, who blew trumpets instead of shells, and recited 
verses in praise of her Majesty : finally, a tremendous 
battle was enacted between the Tritons of the pond and 
certain sylvan deities of the park, which was long and 
valiantly disputed, with darts on one side and large squirts 

* Bernardino de Mendoza to the King of Spain, October 20. 
— Spanish State Papers. 

t Bernardino de Mendoza to the King, February 12. — Spanish 
State Papers. 



on the other, and suddenly terminated, to the delight or 
all beholders, by the seizure and submersion of old 
Sylvanus himself."* (Appendix D.) 

Elizabeth quitted Elvetham so highly gratified by the 
attentions of the Earl, that she made him a voluntary 
promise of her especial favour and protection ; she was, 
however, unable to overcome her former anger against 
him, and soon forgot her promise. 

In October, 1595, it was found, by an examination of 
the papers of a Dr. Aubrey, that the Earl had taken 

1595. various opinions upon the validity of his marriage, 
and had caused a record of it to be secretly put 

into the Court of Arches.f At the very time of this dis- 
covery Hertford renewed his petition to have the declara- 
tion of the invalidity of his marriage set aside.J Elizabeth's 
wrath was again aroused, and she committed him at once 
to the Tower, and gave orders that his son, who till now 
had always been called Lord Beauchamp, should hence- 
forth be styled Mr. Seymour. Several lawyers and others 
were also imprisoned over this matter, f 

The Earl had been married a second time to Frances, 
daughter of William, Lord Howard of Effingham, and 
sister to the Lord Admiral. This lady came at once to 
endeavour to obtain his liberty, but without success ; for 
though the Queen, to whom she was related, affected to 
be well disposed towards her, and regularly sent her small 
presents of game and dishes from her own table, 

1596. yet she refused to see her.f (Note 60.) On the 
3rd of January following, however, the Earl was 


During the remainder of Elizabeth's reign, Hertford's 
attendances in the House of Lords, either by person or 
by proxy, seem to have been very frequent, and he was on 
some occasions appointed one of the Commissioners for 

* Aikin's Court of Elizabeth, 11, p. 283. 
t Ailcin's Court of Elizabeth, 1 1, p. 366. 

X Cal. State Papers, Domestic, 1595, p. 121 ; Addenda, 1580- 
1625, PP- 406-8. 


proroguing Parliament, but, being so much out of favour 
at Court, he took little part in any important 
1602. political affairs. On the 29th of May, 1602, he 
was made Lord Lieutenant of Somerset and Wilts, 
and Custos Rotulorum of the latter shire in 1603. His 
jurisdiction as Lord Lieutenant included the cities of 
Bristol, Bath, Wells, and Salisbury, and empowered him 
to raise and muster the trained bands, to lead them against 
enemies or rebels, to execute martial law when necessary, 
to suppress insurrections and unlawful assemblies, and 
appoint all officials and officers under him.* 

The Queen was now approaching her end, and as yet 
no definite arrangement had been made as to who was to 
be her successor, nor could she be prevailed upon to state 
her wishes and make her choice. 

When the Queen was dying, Beaumont writes : " In 
this state " (she was very weak and her speech had left 
her) " I do not think she can make a will or declare her 
successor. The Lords of the Council have already begun 
to call together the Earls and Barons of the kingdom who 
are in the city, and have sent for the greater number of 
those absent, among whom the Earl of Hertford has re- 
fused to come. On the night of the 23rd of March, the 
Lord Admiral, the Lord Keeper, and the Secretary, Cecil, 
approached the bedside of the Queen, and asked her to 
name her successor. She seemed still speechless, and, 
perhaps to test the state of her intellect, they asked if the 
King of France should succeed her. She returned no 
answer ; and when they proposed the King of Scodand, 
she still remained mute. A third time they spoke, and 
proposed the Lord Beauchamp, eldest son of Catherine 
Grey (and the Earl of Hertford). That name pierced 
even c the dull, cold ear ' of approaching death. Elizabeth 
for an instant recovered speech, and with inextinguishable 
hate she spent her last efforts against the son of her dead 
rival. She said hastily, i I will have no rascal's son in my 
seat ' ; and spoke no more in this world." 

* Commission to the Earl of Hertford. — State Papers, Domestic. 



Soon after the accession of James I, he was sent* as 
Ambassador Extraordinary to Bruxelles about the 
1605. treaties of commerce, made by France and Eng- 
land with Spain and the Archduke. " It was 
evidently well understood by this nobleman, that his 
wealth alone had obtained for him what was styled the 
honour of this appointment, and that he would be ex- 
pected to serve the King chiefly at his own cost. For 
this reason probably, as well as on account of his advanced 
age, he at first peremptorily refused to go ; and it was not 
till after the receipt of a c very express letter from the 
King, to enjoin him to obedience, all excuses set apart,' 
that he yielded to take upon him so heavy a burden. 
But no sooner had Hertford pledged himself to the 
undertaking, than he declared with spirit, that he would 
now be 'as free as another' in his preparations." — 
" Nothing seems to have been omitted by him which his 
own credit, or the dignity of his country, could be thought 
to require."t He sailed from Dover on April 9th, with 
Sir Thomas Edmondes (designed to be the resident Am- 
bassador), two barons, sixteen knights, and a great number 
of gentlemen, and above 300 persons in rich liveries. 
During the passage, a Dutch man-of-war sailed by and 
refused to strike her flag, whereupon the English captain 
(Sir W. Monson) prepared to attack him. The Ambas- 
sador would not, however, give him leave, and thus the 
first indignity of that nature received by the English from 
the Dutch, whose sovereignty was not yet so much as 
acknowledged by any potentate in Europe, was allowed to 
pass unnoticed.^ 

Arriving at Dunkirk, he was honourably received there 
by Diego Orles, the governor of that town. The Baron 
of Brabanson, captain of the Archduke's archers, attended 
him ; and all the ordnance in the town, as well as on the 
ships, was fired. At Nimport, where the Master of the 

* April 19, 1605. 

t Aikin's Memoirs of James I, p. 224. 

X Howard, Talbot, and Cecil, Papers, vol. 3, p. 249. 


Ordnance was sent to entertain him, he received a similar 
reception from Pedro d'Alega, governor of the town and 
Great Bailiff of France. The Archduke and the Infanta 
also made a great parade, being accompanied by knights 
of the Golden Fleece and Spaniards and Italians of great 
name.* Having seen the Archduke ratify the treaty on 
May 1, he left Bruxelles for home eight days afterwards, 
via Ghent and Flushing, leaving gifts, valued at £3,000, 
to the Archduke's attendants. In this expedition he spent 
£10,000 out of his own pocket in addition to the King's 
allowance, an enormous sum for those days.f (Note 61.) 

Soon after this there appear to have been some differ- 
ences between Hertford and Lord Mounteagle, and the 
Earl of Salisbury was, with others, appointed to arbitrate 
in the matter. Their decision appears to have greatly 
annoyed the Earl, who went so far as to say that he had 
expected better usage, in respect not only of his cause 
but of his expense and services during his embassy. To 
this Lord Salisbury replied that, considering how things 
stood between his Majesty and the Earl's house, the 
King had done him a special favour by employing him 
in such a capacity. This led to an angry argument, in 
which Hertford practically called Salisbury a liar. The 
latter, within an hour, sent him a direct challenge by his 
servant, Mr. Knightley, which was at once accepted. All 
arrangements were made and St. James fixed upon as the 
place of meeting. The King, however, had heard some- 
thing about the quarrel and sent some of his followers to 
prevent the meeting, which they succeeded in doing. J 

The Earl was now getting old but he was still fated to 
undergo more trouble. His grandson privately 
1609. and without permission followed his own former 
example and married a lady of the blood royal. 

* Grimstone's Hist. Netherlands, 1345 ; Mem. Peers of Eng- 
land, 295 ; Rapin, 2, 170 ; Hist. M. de Thou, 14, 347. 
t Aikin's Memoirs of James I. 

% Aikin's Memoirs of James I, p. 226 ; Donne's Letters, 
p. 214. 



This apparently occasioned him great alarm and grief, 
for he feared an unfortunate ending to his family from 
this second contact against the wishes and the power of 
his Sovereign. We read : " When the aged Hertford 
was forced to appear before the Council, on the occasion 
of his grandson's misdemeanour in having married one 
of the royal race, how strange must have been his feel- 
ings, and all the old wounds of his youth must have been 
re-opened. It is no wonder that, as he read the paper 
ordering him to appear, and recounting the circumstances 
of the flight of the lovers, his hand should tremble in 
such a manner that the scroll he held was half consumed 
by the taper he read it by."* (Note 6ia.) As he was 
found, however, to have had nothing to do with the 
marriage or the subsequent escape he was soon released. 
During the previous year he had been re-appointed 
^ Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Somerset 

I O I 2 

and Wilts, and in June, 1612, he was made high 
^ steward of the revenues to the Queen, an appoint- 
1 T 9* ment which he held until March, 16 ic^.f 

In 1620 he made his will, limiting his estates on his 

third wife, then on the heirs male by her, remainder 

1620. to his eldest son, Lord Beauchamp, and his heirs ; 
remainder to Thomas Seymour, his second sur- 
viving son. He thus followed what may almost be 
called the family rule of cutting off his eldest son to 
begin with. J 

During the last few years he had become very old and 
decrepit, but he continued his attendance ,at Court and 
about the King, whom he always accompanied on his 
visits to the House of Lords, where his age and weakness 
made him almost an object for pity. His last 

1 62 1. appearance there was in January,§ 162 1, very 
shortly before his death which occurred on the 

* Miss Costello, Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen, 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Papers relating to Seymour family, nth Duke of Somerset. 
§ D'Ewes, Autobiography, p. 170. 


6th of April, at Netley, in Hampshire. He was buried 
in Salisbury Cathedral in the same tomb to which he had 
removed the body of his first wife, Lady Catherine Grey. 
(Note 62.) 

Whatever Lord Hertford's faults may have been, and 
doubtless he had as many as other people, one cannot 
help feeling considerable astonishment and admiration at 
his continued loyalty — a loyalty which at all times seems 
to have been part and parcel of the character of his 
family. We see him first just old enough to see his 
father's life unjustly ended on the scaffold and to find his 
own name taken from him as well as all his possessions, 
again unjustly. We then see him compelled to use 
secrecy and stealth in marrying the lady of his choice 
and condemned to see her suffer an imprisonment of 
seven years, full of tears and misery, and only ended by 
her death ; to find himself a prisoner for an even longer 
period ; to be fined enormous sums ; to have his 
children's rights of birth denied before all the world, 
thus bringing shame and dishonour on his lady and him- 
self ; and all this again unjustly. Such treatment might 
well have turned the heart of any man against a Sovereign, 
from whom he received nothing but cruelty, and against 
a country where such injustice was permitted to take 
place. Yet he never took part in any of the plots and 
factions of the time ; he never attempted to form a 
party to bring forward the claims of his wife or children 
to the throne, even though many powerful nobles showed 
their readiness to assist him ; he never thought of sub- 
verting Elizabeth's power or hindering the succession 
of James. Throughout all his troubles, even when in 
the darkest depths of such despair as may be engendered 
by continued cruelty, unjust imprisonment, and the sight 
of the misery endured by those he loved, his thoughts 
and actions remained loyal, steadfast, and true to his 
Sovereign and to his country. 

By his first wife, Lady Catherine Grey, he had two 
sons — 




1. Edward Seymour, Lord Beauchamp, of whom we 

will speak later. 

2. Thomas Seymour, who was born in the Tower. 

Various notarial instruments were drawn up 
declaring his legitimacy, namely, in November, 
1580, October 30, 1589, October 21, 1590, 
October, 1592, October 23, 1588. In 1596 he- 
was unwittingly brought into a plot against 
Elizabeth.* He had accompanied Sir John 
Smythe to what he imagined was a review of 
troops, but when the force was drawn up in a 
hollow square of three sides, Sir John addressed the 
men asking them if they would follow him or rather 
a better man than himself, namely, a nobleman of 
the blood royal, brother to the Earl of Beauchamp. 
He further spoke of traitors about the Court and 
that he desired to bring about a reformation and 
redress the wrongs of the people. Seymour was 
very angry with him and blamed him openly for 
making such a speech, and then rode off the field 
and sought the Lord Treasurer to whom he 
related the occurrence.f Seymour married Isabel, 
daughter of Edward Onley, of Catesby in North- 
ants and died on August 8, 1600, leaving no 
issue. He was buried in St. Margaret's, West- 
minster, j Isabel survived him, dying in 1619. 

The Earl's second wife was Frances, daughter of Wil- 
liam, Lord Howard of Effingham, whom he married 
before 1582. § (Note 63.) She died on the 14th of May, 
1598, without issue,|| and was buried in St. Benedict's 
chapel in Westminster Abbey. On the very spot where 
formerly stood the altar of the Saint, Lord Hertford 
erected to her memory a fine monument of various kinds 

* State Papers, Domestic. 

t State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, Add. 

X Walcott, St. Margaret's, p. 29. 

§ Wilts. Archseolog. Mag., xv, 200-1. 

II Chamberlain Letters, p. 10. 




of marble. She was represented recumbent, in her robes ; 
her head resting on an embroidered cushion, and her feet 
on a lion's back. The upper part of the structure con- 
sisted partly of arches and obelisks, and was ornamented 
with ensigns and devices. 

His third wife, whom he married in December, 1600, 
was Frances, daughter of Thomas, Viscount Howard of 
Bindon, and widow of Henry Pranell, citizen of London. # 
(Note 64.) This marriage was performed clandestinely, 
without banns or licence, and not in the parish church. 
The clergyman, Thomas Montford, was punished for 
performing it by being suspended for three years.| This 
Frances was a woman of great birth and beauty, but 
otherwise without any great qualities, except that of good 
nature, even this gift being to some extent marred by her 
vanity and folly. Her first marriage to Pranell did not 
last long, and his death left her a young, rich, and beauti- 
ful widow. 

She was now courted by many gentlemen, amongst 
whom Sir George Rodney seems to have been the most 
favoured, but finally she consented to marry the Earl of 
Hertford. Rodney, thereupon, after viewing their bridal 
procession from a room in an inn at Amesbury, in Wilts, 
wrote her a set of verses in his own blood, and, after 
having despatched them, fell upon his sword and put an 
end to his existence.J (Appendix E.) 

Her pride in her family and descent was very great, 
and she was fond of boasting of it, but upon such occa- 
sions the Earl of Hertford, who seems to have been 
greatly attached to her, used to cover her with confusion 
by playfully saying, " Frank, Frank, how long is it since 
you were married to Pranell ? " 

At Hertford's death she became possessed of ^5,000 a 
year, which she had persuaded him to leave her, and, after 
a time, married the Duke of Richmond, who appears to 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Strype, Whitgift, ii, 333, 453. 

X Printed in Lodge's British Portraits. 

FrOtH 't/i Old Print. 


have made himself ridiculous for a long time previously by 
following her about in all sorts of foolish disguises. The 
Duke, however, did not live long, upon which she began 
to have thoughts of raising herself to a still higher position 
by marrying King James, but the old monarch was too 
wary to be caught, and she continued to remain a 

" This ridiculous notion she permitted to take full pos- 
session of her mind ; and, in order to keep up a suitable 
dignity, she declared that she would never condescend to 
sit at the board with a subject. She thus saved her 
dinners and preserved her grandeur ; being in the habit 
of exhibiting to her guests a table loaded with covered 
dishes, which appeared to contain the choicest viands, and, 
after their departure, mortified, she trusted, at not being 
permitted to share her meal, she sat down to a very 
simple repast for one. 

u The same childish love of display was also shown in 
her assumption of extreme sanctity ; for she caused it to 
be generally bruited abroad that religious conferences were 
continually held at her house, and that she listened to 
sermons from the most eminent divines, all of which was 
known to be but ' empty air,' like her Barmecide dinners, 
and only occasioned much mirth at her expense. "f When 
she witnessed the christening of the Queen of Bohemia's 
child, she produced a huge inventory of plate as her 
gift. This passed from hand to hand, and her generosity 
was greatly admired. The Queen, however, never got 
the plate, though she may have kept the inventory. 
(Note 65.) 

She died without issue on October 3, 1639, and on the 
28th was buried in Westminster Abbey. J 

* Miss Costello, Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen, vol. i, 
403, et seq. 

T Miss Costello, Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen, vol. 1, 
403, et seq. 

X Diet. Nat. Biog. 

M 2 



[Gairdner's Letters and Papers, xiv, I, 1026, 1033 ; Diet. Nat. 
Biog. ; Cobbett's State Trials ; Papers relating to Seymour 
family, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset; Calender, State 
Papers, Elizabeth, Domestic, and Addenda ; Notes and 
Queries, 8th ser., vii and viii ; Craik's Romance of the 
Peerage ; Harleian MSS. ; Parker Correspondence ; Aikin's 
Court of Elizabeth ; Aikin's Memoirs of James I ; Wright, 
Elizabeth ; Calendar, Hatfield MSS. ; Wilts. Archaeolog. 
Mag., xv ; Spanish State Papers ; Lansdowne MS. ; Ellis's 
Original Letters, 2nd series ; Life and Letters of Lady 
Arabella Stuart, Mrs. Smyth ; Howard, Talbot, and Cecil, 
Papers ; Rapin's History ; De Thou ; Donne's Letters, p. 
214; Grimstone's History of the Netherlands; Memoirs, 
Peers of England ; Sir Simon D'Ewes, Autobiography ; Wal- 
cott, St. Margaret's, p. 29 ; Chamberlain Letters, p. 10 ; 
Strype, Whitgift ; Lodge's British Portraits ; Memoirs of 
Eminent Englishwomen, Miss Costello, vol. 1, p. 403 et seq. ; 
Litt. Remains, Edward VI; Description of Salisbury Cathe- 
dral ; Doyle's Official Baronage ; Lords' Journals ; Camden's 
Elizabeth ; Hallam's Constitutional History; Froude's History; 
Dugdale ; Bailev's Succession to the English Crown ; Bedford, 
Hereditary Right ; Luder's Right of Succession to the Crown 
in the R.eign of Elizabeth ; G. E. C. Peerage ; Collins's 
Peerage ; Machyn's Diary. 1 


I6 5 


Edward Seymour was born in the Tower on the 24th 
of September, 1561, and was educated at Mag- 
156 1. dalen College, Oxford, where he matriculated on 
December 22nd, 1576.* 

As we have already seen his father's marriage had been 
declared illegal, and he was looked upon by Elizabeth as 
a natural son. In spite of this, he appears always to have 
been called Lord Beauchamp, and his father and friends 
made strenuous efforts to have the declaration of illegiti- 
macy rescinded, but without any practical result during 
Elizabeth's reign, t 

Lord Beauchamp was ot considerable importance at the 
time from the fact of his being of royal birth, and of 
thereby having a claim upon the succession to the throne, 
only two others, Lady Arabella Stuart and James VI of 
Scotland, being in a position to become his rivals. James 
was the more powerful of these, having some adherents in 
England, and being able to bring some force, if necessary, 
to assert his claim ; but Lord Beauchamp had many friends 
in England, some of them being amongst the most power- 
ful of the nobles, and he might possibly have plunged the 
country into a civil war, after Elizabeth's death, had he 
elected to bring forward his claim. Indeed, the strength 
of Lord Beauchamp's party, including as it did Cecil, 
Raleigh, Lord Howard of Effingham, and many others, 
probably prevented Elizabeth from using severer mea- 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t State Papers, L)omestic, Elizabeth. 


sures against him and against his father during her lite- 

In June, 1582, he married his cousin Honora, daughter 
of Sir William Rogers of Brianston, in Dorset. t 
1582. This marriage was accomplished without the know- 
ledge or sanction of the Earl, his father, who was 
so enraged that he forcibly separated the young couple and 
confined Beauchamp in one of his country houses. The 
latter soon managed to make his escape, but was retaken 
on his road to London, and placed under a stricter guard. 

Lord Beauchamp was now in an unfortunate position, 
for he could only look to an angry father to whom he 
had given a double offence, to a haughty grandmother 
whose family pride made her still less inclined to forgive, 
and to a Queen in whose eyes his very existence was a 
crime. Not having obtained her permission for his mar- 
riage, he suspected that his detention was partly owing to 
her orders, and though she declared that he was no prisoner 
of hers, and was detained without her warrant, there is no 
doubt that Elizabeth was greatly annoyed, and that she 
had something to do with his imprisonment. 

Seeing no prospect of an early release, Lord Beauchamp 
addressed a petition^ to Lord Burleigh, the same minister 
who was so great a friend to the old Duchess of Somerset, 
and begged that the Queen and Council would grant him 
the benefit of the laws of the realm. No immediate 
result followed his petition, but not long after he became 
'econciled to his father and obtained his release. 

In 1596 he was called before the Council and sub- 
jected to a severe examination for having, together 
1596. with his brother, accompanied Sir John Smith to 
Essex on an occasion when the latter made a 
treasonable speech to the troops at a review in that 
county. § It appeared, however, that he had accom- 

* State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, 
t State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, 
t Calender State Papers, Domestic. 
§ Calender State Papers, Domestic. 



panied him in complete ignorance of his treasonable 
intentions and no further proceedings were taken against 

At the time of Elizabeth's death, Lord Beauchamp's 
name was mentioned to her during her dying moments 
in connection with the succession, and had the effect of 
rousing her to a last access of rage in which she exclaimed, 
" I will have no rascal's son in my seat." In spite of 
Elizabeth's wishes, however, many noblemen 

1603. waited on the Earl of Hertford and offered him 
their services in bringing forward Lord Beau- 
champ's claim to the throne,* but neither father nor son 
were inclined to urge a claim which must have dragged 
the country into a civil war. They both tendered their 

allegiance to James although, by Act of Parlia- 

1604. rnent, Beauchamp remained the rightful heir to 
the throne for one year after James' accession, 

when the latter's title was settled by statute.f 

During all these years Lord Beauchamp's legitimacy 
had never been satisfactorily proclaimed, although many 
appeals had been made against the unjust sentence of 
the Commission which had declared his father's marriage 
illegal.j In consequence of this the elder branch of the 
Seymour family had made several claims to the succession 
of the Protector's honours and estates which were 
entailed on them, by the Act of 1 540, in default of any 

issue of the Earl of Hertford. § No success, 
1606. however, attended their efforts, and, in 1606, the 

marriage of Lady Catherine Grey and the Earl 
of Hertford was finally established " when the priest who 
had joined them being produced, and all other circum- 
stances agreeing, a jury at common law found it a good 

* Calender State Papers, Domestic, 
t Diet. Nat. Hiog. 

% Papers relating to those appeals may be seen in the Cotton 
MS., vol. c, 16, fols. 412, 458, 516, 522, and in Sir Julius Cesar's 
notes in Lansdowne MS., 732. 

§ Papers, Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 


marriage."* Even this, however, does not seem to have 

placed Lord Beauchamp's rights on a secure basis, 

1608. and he found it necessary, May 14, 1608, to 

obtain a patent that he and his heirs male, 

immediately on the death of his father, should be Barons 

of Parliament, and have place and voice there, as well as 

for the tide of Earl of Hertford. It is curious to notice 

that even in these letters patent the name of his father is 

not even mentioned, t 

Lord Beauchamp died before his father (in July, 16 12), 

and was buried at Great Bedwin, whence his 

161 2. remains were afterwards removed to Salisbury 

Cathedral. On his gravestone was erected a brass 

plate with the following inscription : " Bellocampus eram, 

Graia Genetrice, Semerus, tres habui natos, est quibus 

unus soror." This allusion to his mother might well 

puzzle anyone who did not know that she had been 

Lady Catherine Grey. Lord Beauchamp left three sons 

and three daughters — 

Sir Edward Seymour, who was created a Knight of 

the Bath at the creation of Charles, Prince of 

Wales. He matriculated from Magdalen College, 

Oxford, April 16, 1605, and graduated B.A. 

December 9, 1607. June 1, 1609, he married 

Anne, third daughter of Robert Sackville, 2nd 

Earl of Dorset. This lady brought him a portion 

of £6,000, whilst he received a settlement of 

£800 a year from his father. He had a son and 

two daughters who all died in infancy, and he 

himself pre-deceased his father and grandfather 

and was buried September 15, 161 8. His widow 

afterwards married Sir Edward Lewis, knight, 

and had one son, Edward, who died in infancy. 

Sir William Seymour, of whom we shall speak later. 

Sir Francis Seymour, knight, of whom we shall 

speak later. 

* Ellis, 2nd series. 

t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 



Anne and Mary Seymour, who both died in infancy. 

Honora Seymour, who married Sir Ferdinand Sutton, 
Knight of the Bath, and, at that time, heir apparent 
to Edward, Lord Dudley. She had one girl, 
Frances, who was afterwards made Baroness 
Dudley, and married Lord Ward. 

[Papers of Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset; 
Dictionary National Biography ; Calendar State Papers, 
Domestic, Elizabeth ; Calendar State Papers, Domestic, 
James I ; Cotton MS. ; Lansdowne MS. ; Ellis, 2nd series ; 
Cornhill Magazine. March, 1897 ; Collins's Peerage ; G. E. C. 




Francis Seymour was born about the year 1590* and 

was apparently, together with his elder brother, 
1590. brought up under the care of his grandfather, the 

Earl of Hertford. Upon the escape of his brother 
161 1. and Lady Arabella in June, 161 1, he was confined 

to his lodging, by order of the King, under sus- 
picion of having aided in their escape. Nothing could, how- 
ever, be proved against him and he strongly urged his utter 
ignorance of the whole affair, upon which he was liberated 
after a detention of a few weeks.f 

On October 23, 161 3, he received the honour of 

knighthood at the hands of James I, at Royston, 
1 61 3. and in May, 1620, he went into the Low Countries 

for the purpose of fighting a duel with a Mr. 
John Savage, of Worcestershire, with whom he had 
entered into a quarrel at Bath.J The result of this 
meeting, if indeed it ever actually took place, is not 

On December 26 of this year, Sir Francis was returned 
to Parliament as member for Wiltshire, and from 

1620. that time devoted himself to a political career, in 
which he soon rose to power and distinction. In 

1624. 1624, when the King was anxious to withdraw 
from war with Spain, but desired to send an army 

into the Palatinate and applied to the House for the 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Calendar State Papers, Domestic, James I. 
X Sir F. Popham to the Earl of Pembroke. — State Papers, 
Domestic, James I. 


From tin old tngrtttu'itg. 



necessary supplies, Seymour rose and made a very telling 
speech in which he strongly advocated war with Spain, 
but opposed the sending of any force into the Palatinate 
on account of the enormous cost and the heaviness of the 
King's debts. His words voiced the general opinion of 
the House, and not a member rose to oppose him.* 

In June of this year he was commissioned with the 
other Sheriffs of Wiltshire to examine into and collect 
the debts due to the King for recusancy by certain persons 
in that county, f 

On the 10th of May he was again returned member 
for Wiltshire and, in June, he moved a request 
1625. to the King for the proper execution of the laws 
against Catholics, saying that their duty to God 
must not be forgotten, and that it was right that the laws 
already existing against priests and Jesuits should be duly 
enforced. This proposal led to an animated discussion 
in which member after member rose to express their 
approval of Seymour's action, and finally it was referred 
to a committee by whom, however, the tone of the 
petition was considerably modified before it was presented 
to the Lords for their approval.j 

The King had summoned this Parliament with the in- 
tention of obtaining large supplies from it in order to 
carry out his plans — plans which had already been strongly 
objected to by the Commons during the preceding session, 
and for the carrying out of which they were determined 
not to grant any large subsidy. It was perhaps to create a 
delay before the question of supply arose that Seymour 
had so earnestly pressed the petition for enforcing the law 
against Catholics, over which it was certain that the King 
and the Commons would have a long dispute. Gardiner 
says of this moment, " It would still be some time before 
the petition on religion reached the throne. What Charles 
expected the Commons to do as soon as they had relegated 

* British Policy, Seeley ; Gardiner, v, 342, 345. 
t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 
+ Gardiner. 

1 72 


their religious grievances to the House of Lords, it is 
impossible to say. Supply stood next in order to be 
treated of ; but though 1 2 days of the session had passed 
away, giving him time to reflect on the attitude of the 
Commons, he had taken no steps to explain to them the 
real meaning of the vague demands which he had made in 
his opening speech. 

" If he expected that, when once the petition on religion 
was cleared out of the way, the Commons would lay at 
his feet the vast treasures which he needed, but the amount 
of which he had not ventured to specify, he was soon 
bitterly undeceived. Scarcely had the petition left the 
House, when Sir Francis Seymour rose and proposed the 
grant of one subsidy and one-fifteenth, or about £100,000. 
Seldom has a motion more simple in appearance been 
more momentous in its consequences. The vote pro- 
posed was as nearly as possible one-tenth of the sum 
which Charles required to fulfil his engagements. It 
therefore implied, under the most courteous form possible, 
a distinct resolution of the House to give no adequate 
support to the war in which the King was engaged. 

Seymour gave no reasons for his abrupt intervention. 
As far as he is personally concerned, it is not difficult to 
find an explanation for his conduct. He had been one of 
the most eager in the last Parliament to engage England 
in a war with Spain, one of the most decided in protesting 
against any attempt to involve Parliament in extensive 
military operations on the Continent. He was therefore 
only consistent with himself in refusing the supply neces- 
sary to carry out a policy of which he disapproved." After 
some discussion, the House raised the proposed supply to 

Finding that Seymour was becoming a powerful leader 
in the House, owing to the courage he exhibited in 
openly expressing his opinion, the Duke of Buckingham 
deemed it wise to try and win him over, and began to 
make overtures to him to that effect. These advances 
were at once rejected, upon which the Duke endeavoured 



to regain some measure of popularity for himself by 
showing more readiness to put aside his engagements with 
France and to oppose the Catholics in England. One of 
his old allies, however, now stood in the way of his pro- 
jects. This was Williams, the Lord Keeper. Buckingham 
determined on his removal from office, and, through a 
friend, approached Seymour on the matter, declaring that 
if the Commons " would set upon the Lord Keeper, they 
should be backed by the greatest men in the kingdom." 
Seymour saw the plot, and answered quickly and sharply, 
" I find nothing in the Lord Keeper but the malice of 
those great men." 

On August 5, he made a spirited and determined 
attack on the King's foreign policy, during which he made 
accusations of peculation in high places, and denounced 
the sale of offices at Court. As on former occasions, his 
speech carried the House with it, and the supplies required 
were again refused. Gardiner says, " If there was a man 
in the House who would be consistent with himself in 
attacking the foreign policy of the Crown, it was Sir 
Francis Seymour, the proposer of the restricted supply 
which had been granted at Westminster. In itself the 
fact that the Government had entered into engagements 
with foreign Powers so extensive that it did not venture 
directly to ask the Commons for the means of fulfilling 
them, was calculated to give rise to the gravest suspicions, 
and Seymour, the old opponent of the system of Conti- 
nental war, was not likely to treat such suspicions lightly. 
This meeting of Parliament, he argued, had been the work 
of those who sought to put dissensions between the King 
and his people. It was absurd to suppose that it needed 
a Parliament to procure ^40,000 for the fleet. As for the 
rest that had been said, he had no confidence in the ad- 
visers of the Crown. He did not believe that peace had 
been made in France, and he hoped that English ships 
would not be used as abettors of the French King's 
violence against his Huguenot subjects. Then turning 
to the past, Seymour said, * We have given three subsidies 




and three-fifteenths to the Queen of Bohemia, for which 
she is nothing the better. Nothing hath been done. We 
know not our enemy. We have set upon and consumed 
our own people.' What he wished was that they might 
now ' do somewhat for the country,' and they would then 
give his Majesty a seasonable and bountiful supply." This 
speech showed in every sentence Seymour's distrust of 
Buckingham's capacity and intentions, and, in answering 
him, it was necessary for Mr. May, on behalf of the 
Government, to enter into a long defence of its foreign 

On August 10, Sir Francis made a very powerful and 
personal speech again denouncing peculation in high 
places and the sale of preferments at Court, and, on the 
17th, when there was a debate as to the reason why the 
English ships were lying idle when they should have been 
keeping the coasts clear of pirates, during which the House 
began to get excited and angry, Seymour rose and openly 
stated what was probably in the minds of all, but what no 
one had summoned up sufficient courage to express. " Let 
us lay the fault where it is," he said, " the Duke of 
Buckingham is trusted, and it must needs be either in 
him or his agents." This was the first occasion on which 
anyone had dared attack the powerful favourite by name, 
and it made a great impression.* 

The King was now finding that it would be difficult, if 
not impossible, for him to carry out his own or his 
favourite's plans so long as such steady patriots as Coke, 
Seymour, and Phelps were there to influence the House. 

Upon their being re-elected to the Parliament 
1626. summoned in February of the following year, he 
devised a scheme for procuring their absence. A 
sheriff, he found, was supposed to attend exclusively to 
his duties in his own county, and could not, therefore, sit 
in Parliament. Coke, Phelps, and Seymour were made 
sheriffs, the latter being appointed to Wilts. 

In July the King dismissed several Justices of the 
* Gardiner. 



Peace whom he knew were certain to oppose the forced 
loan which he was about to try and raise from the people 
without the consent of Parliament. Amongst these Justices 
was Seymour. But Seymour's turn came. In the 
1627. following March he was elected Member for Par- 
liament both for Wiltshire and Marlborough,* 
and when the old question of supply arose, he stood up 
and said, " If his Majesty shall be persuaded to take what 
he will, what need we to give ?" 

Sir Francis, however, was now beginning to realise that 
the Commons might go to greater lengths in their opposi- 
tion to the King than their constitutional powers admitted 
of, and so began to incline towards Wentworth's more 
moderate policy. On the 29th of April, when the Bill on 
the liberty of the subject came before the House, he made 
a powerful speech in favour of modifying it. Later on 
he gave his support to Wentworth's Habeas Corpus Act, 
and joined him in advocating that a joint committee of 
the two Houses should be appointed to consider the Peti- 
tion of Right. Their proposal was opposed by Eliot, 
and, though it met with favour in the House of Lords, it 
was rejected by the Commons. 

February 14, 1630, Sir Francis, who had been living 
in the country since the dissolution of the last 
1630. Parliament, wrote to Secretary Coke to complain 
of the way in which the Saltpetre men were ex- 
ceeding their commission. He said that they cared not 
in whose houses they dug, claiming that their commission 
gave them the right to dig in any house and even room, 
at any time, and that their behaviour was occasioning 
great grievance to the people. Of his own knowledge he 
could show that they had dug up many malting rooms, and 
the entrances and halls of private houses, and forced men 
to carry their saltpetre in their own carts during seed time 
and harvest at one groat a mile, besides breaking down 
houses in cases of opposition. f This complaint seems to 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 



have been the means of causing some abatement of the 

On May 2, 1634, Sir Francis was charged before the 
Council Board by Anthony Wither, Commissioner 
1 634. for the reformation of clothing, with having affirmed 
that the Commission for clothing was against the 
dignity of a Justice of the Peace, that it was an innovation 
and would lead to the decrease of the cloth industry, and 
with having, when sitting with the other Justices at the 
Assizes at Salisbury, suggested that the Commissioner 
should refer to the Justices of that county, and, upon his 
refusal to do so, with having said that the Commissioner 
would not submit the Commission to the censure of the 
Justices and clothiers, as if, he had added, the Justices of 
the Peace did not best know what were fittest for the 
good of the country. # 

Upon this Sir Francis and the other Justices laid an 
information against Anthony Wither, stating that he had 
asked certain clothiers of Salisbury to sign a certificate to 
the effect that they made cloth of the finer sorts of yarn, 
spun from Wiltshire wool by farmers' wives and others, 
whereas in reality the yarn brought to their market was of 
a coarser sort, made by market spinners, and " was made 
so false through divers ways of conceit, that it was im- 
possible to make true cloth thereof." An inquiry was 
instituted in which it appeared that Wither had spoken of 
Sir Francis as the " most malicious man against his com- 
mission," and had brought forward his accusations out of 
spite. In the end Wither was committed by the Council, 
when he acknowledged that his committal was just and 
expressed his hearty sorrow to Sir Francis for his 

During the summer of this year Seymour was in 
frequent correspondence with Lord Strafford, whom he 
complimented upon the great fame he had obtained by 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 
t State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 



his administration in Ireland, in one of his letters dated 
June 20.* 

In May, 1639, he was amongst those who refused to 
pay ship money, a tax illegally levied by the King, 

1639. but nothing seems to have resulted from this 
refusal. About this time he completed building 

the castle of Marlborough, in which his descendants 
resided for a considerable time, but which eventually 
became an inn.f 

In March, 1640, he was elected without opposition as 
member for Wilts,J in what has been termed the 

1640. Short Parliament, and, on the dissolution, was 
re-elected for the same shire in what became the 

famous Long Parliament. Having taken his seat he 
again began to show the greatest interest and activity in 
political affairs, taking a prominent part against Ecclesi- 
astical grievances in April, and, in November, heading a 
strong attack against the actions of the Government. 
(Appendix F.) His opinions, however, were gradually 
undergoing a change. The more fierce and unreasonable 
the popular party, to which he had belonged, became, the 
more his inclinations were beginning to turn against them. 
The impeachment of Strafford was perhaps what caused 
him finally to disassociate himself from the popular party 
and throw his weight and influence upon the side of the 

It was probably also this attachment to the Earl of 
Strafford that caused the King to create him 

1 64 1. Baron Seymour of Trowbridge, Wiltshire, on 
the 19th of February, 1641. The patent of this 

creation dwells upon Seymour's wisdom and respect- 
ability, the ancient splendour of his family, and his loyal 
affection towards the rights and fortunes of the Crown.* 

* Letters and Papers, Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 

t Letters and Papers, Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset ; Evelyn's Diary, ed. Bray, 1, 289. 
X State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 


1 7 8 


Having taken his seat in the House of Lords he 
exerted himself on Strafford's behalf and voted against 
his attainder, although his competence to vote was chal- 
lenged by the opposite party on the ground that he was 
not a member of that House when the charges against 
Strafford were first brought before it. 

When matters came to a crisis between Charles and the 
Parliament, Seymour was one of those who signed the 
declaration which stated that the King had no intention 
of making war, and, when hostilities were begun by the 
Parliament, he repaired to the King at York, and 

1642. joined in the voluntary subscription for raising 
horses for the King's service, offering for his part 

to provide and maintain 20 for three months.* 

At the beginning of autumn Seymour accompanied 
the Marquis of Hertford, who had been appointed 
Lieutenant-General of the West, and assisted him in 
raising and collecting the Royalist forces, in doing which 
he journeyed as far as Glamorganshire, where he was able 
to raise a few troops. During the following months he 
followed the fortunes of the Marquis of Hertford, and 
took part in most of the engagements that took place 
between the Marquis's force and the Parliamentary army. 
In December of the next year he joined with many 
other peers in writing to the Council in Scotland 

1643. to protest against a proposed invasion of England 
to which the Scots had been invited by the Parlia- 
ment, but, though employed for some time about the 
King, he soon rejoined Hertford's army in the west. 

In 1645, he appears as Chancellor of the Duchy of 
Lancaster, and was appointed! one of the Com- 
1645. missioners for the preservation and well ordering 
of the city and university of Oxford, as well as 
for the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Bucks, and the 
garrisons therein, during the King's absence ; and not 
long after he was named as one of the nobles to whom 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

t State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, May 8. 



the King entrusted the Militia.* In February he was 
selected as one of the Commissioners appointed to treat 
with the Parliament at Uxbridge and, on the completion 
of the proceedings there, he returned to Oxford, where 
he remained till the surrender of that place on the 22nd 
of June. 

From the first he had been pronounced a delinquent 
by the Parliament, but soon after his capture he was 
permitted to compound for retaining his estates by a 
payment of .£3,725, and does not appear to have suffered 
any imprisonment or molestation, although he continued 
to be looked upon with considerable suspicion by the 
Parliament. He apparently continued to assist the King 
to the best of his ability, both financially and by actively 
joining in various projects for his restoration, a fact that 
did not escape notice, for Halton and Hely frequently 
wrote to Cromwell giving an account of his doings, but 
as nothing serious could ever be proved against him he 
escaped all punishment, f 

On the Restoration he was re-appointed Chancellor of 

the Duchy of Lancaster by Charles II, and once 
1660. more began to show a keen interest in political 

affairs, seldom being absent from his place when 
any debate of importance was being carried on in the 
House of Lords. 

He did not, however, live long to enjoy his renewed 

political activity, for he died in 1664, July 12. 

His remains were buried in the chancel at Great 

Of Sir Francis Seymour's life and character we cannot 
form an opinion, unless we attempt to judge them from 
the scanty records that remain to us. Except during his 
Parliamentary career, there is but little mention of him, 
except in documents of small interest referring to his 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

t Papers relating to Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset; Thurloes State Papers, 4, 610. 
X Aubrey, Top. Coll., Wilts., p. 378. 

N 2 



office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Claren- 
don seems to have had a high opinion of him, and it 
may not be amiss to quote what he says, in reference to 
him, in his history : " He was a man of interest and 
reputation ; he had always been very popular in the 
country, where he had lived out of the grace of Court ; 
and his parts and judgement were best in those things 
which concerned the good husbandry and the common 
administration of justice to the people. In the beginning 
of the Parliament, he served as Knight of the Shire for 
Wilts, where he resided ; and behaving himself with less 
violence in the House of Commons, than many of his 
old friends did, and having a greater friendship for the 
Earl of Strafford, he was, by his interposition, called to 
the House of Peers, where he carried himself very well 
in all things relating to the Crown ; and when the King 
went to York, he left the Parliament and followed his 
Majesty, remaining firm in his fidelity." 

Sir Francis was twice married ; first to Frances, 
daughter and heiress of Sir William Prynne, knight, of 
Alington in Wilts ; secondly to Catharine, daughter of 
Sir Robert Lee, knight, of Billesley, in Warwickshire. 
By the former he had two children : 

Sir Charles Seymour, who succeeded his father in 
the Barony, and of whom we must speak next. 

Frances Seymour, who married Sir William Ducie, 
of Tedworth, in Gloucestershire, who was after- 
wards created Viscount Downe in the Kingdom 
of Ireland. 

By his will, dated September 5, 1662, Lord Seymour 
bequeathed to his wife the sum of ^600 a year and left 
her his house in St. Martini Lane with the plate and 
furniture contained therein as well as ^500 in cash. 
After leaving many small legacies, chiefly to old servants, 
he left the whole of his estates, charged with these 
payments, to his son Charles, who was made his sole 


From an old print. 


From an old engraving. 



[Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Calendar State Papers, James I ; Gairdner's 
History ; British Policy, Seeley ; State Papers, Domestic, 
Charles Ij Evelyn's Diary, ed. Bray, I, 289; Letters and 
Papers, Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset; 
Aubrey's Top. Coll., Wilts., 378 ; Notes and Queries, 2nd 
series, vols, vi and vii ; Clarendon State Papers, ed. Macray ; 
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion ; Strafford Papers, i, 
264 ; Foster's Eliot ; Journals, House of Lords ; Journals, 
House of Commons ; Official Returns of Members of Parlia- 
ment ; Nalson's Collection, 1, 779; Dugdale's Baronage; 
Thurloe's State Papers, 4, 610, 324.J 




He succeeded his father July, 1664, but only survived 
him for a year, dying on August 25 th, 1665. He was 
buried at Trowbridge. He had been twice married ; first 
to Mary, daughter of Thomas Smith, of Foley, in Wilts. ; 
secondly, to Elizabeth, daughter of William, Lord Aling- 
ton, of Horsheath, in Cambridgeshire. By the former he 
had one son and two daughters : 

Edward Seymour, who died young. 
Catharine Seymour, who died unmarried. 
Frances Seymour, who married Sir George Hunger- 
ford, knight, of Cadingham, in Wilts. 

By the latter he had five sons and two daughters : 

Edward Seymour, who died young. 
William Seymour, who died young. 
William Seymour, who died young. 
Sir Francis Seymour, who afterwards became Duke 

of Somerset, and of whom we shall speak later. 
Sir Charles Seymour, who afterwards became Duke 

of Somerset, and of whom we shall speak later. 
Elizabeth Seymour, who died young. 
Honora Seymour, who married Sir Charles Gerard, 

of Harrow-on-the-Hill, and who died 1 73 1. 



heft hand window showing the Seymour Chapel. 




William Seymour was born in 1588, and was educated 
at Magdalen College, Oxford, where he exhibited 
1588. considerable talent and a great aptitude for learn- 
ing. He matriculated from there on April 16, 
1605, and received the degree of B.A. December 9, 
1607.* With all the talents he possessed it seemed 
probable that a great career might be in store for him, but, 
like his father and grandfather, he spoilt his chances by 
contracting an early and clandestine marriage. 

The Lady Arabella Stuart was first cousin to James I, 
and stood next to him in the succession to the English 
Crown. Many indeed considered her claim as preferable 
to his in that she had been born and bred in England, 
whereas James was to all intents and purposes a foreigner. 
The English nobles who favoured the idea of an English 
monarch were, however, divided in their opinions as to 
whether to support Arabella or Lord Beauchamp and, as 
neither of these seemed inclined to assert their claim, no 
opposition was in the end made to James's accession. 

Lady Arabella had been brought up by her mother, 
but, after her father's death, they found themselves in 
very reduced circumstances, for all their estates in Scot- 
land were seized by James, and those in England by 
Elizabeth. A claim was brought forward asserting 
Arabella's right to the estates and to the earldom of her 
father,f but no notice of it was taken by either Elizabeth 
or James, so the mother and daughter remained practically 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Harl. MS., 289, fol. 196. 



On the death of her mother Lady Arabella was given 
over to the care of the old Countess of Shrewsbury, who 
introduced her to the Court and began to set about to find 
some great, if not royal, alliance for her. On Lady 
Arabella's first presentation she had the honour of twice 
holding a conversation with the Queen, and afterwards 
dined in the presence, being throughout made much of 
by those about the Court, and receiving many compli- 
ments on the talents she exhibited. She appears indeed 
to have been well educated and accomplished, for she 
knew French and Italian well, was a good musician, an 
excellent dancer, and a good and skilful writer.* 

Her attendances at Court became frequent, and Eliza- 
beth received her with some favour. Indeed, it seems 
likely that the Queen may at one time have thought of 
naming her as her successor, for one day she said to the 
French Ambassador, speaking of Lady Arabella, " Look 
at her well. She will one day be attired just as I am, and 
will be a great lady ; but I shall have gone before her."f 

Whatever the Queen may have really meant by this 
speech, there is no doubt that the Countess of Shrewsbury 
was fully determined upon her granddaughter occupying 
a great position, and she began by arranging a marriage 
between her and Robert, Lord Denbigh, son of the Earl 
of Leicester. J Unfortunately for the success of her 
scheme, this nobleman died the same year. Many more 
matches were proposed for her during Elizabeth's reign. 
James wanted to wed her to the newly made Duke of 
Lennox ; § the Pope suggested the brother of the Duke 
of Parma ; § Elizabeth herself was accused by James of 
trying to persuade the King of France to get rid of his 
wife and marry Arabella ; || and the latter herself seemed 

* Miss Costello, Lives of Eminent Englishwomen ; MS. at 
Hardwick Hall. 

t Craik's Romance of the Peerage. 
t Labanoff, v, 436. 

§ Miss Costello, Lives of Eminent Englishwomen ; State 
Papers, Scotch, ser. xix, fol. 108, MS. 
|| State Papers, Scotch, lix, fol. 6, MS. 


From OH Old BugHtoing. 


to fancy a union with a son of the Earl of Northumber- 
land.* (Note 66.) 

Nothing, however, came of these schemes, and, towards 
the end of Elizabeth's reign, a new idea entered 

1602. Lady Arabella's head, which was to marry William 
Seymour, an attachment having sprung up between 

them, though Seymour was but a boy of fifteen, and she 
was his senior by a good many years. This love affair, 
innocent as it might seem to most, did not escape Eliza- 
beth's watchful eye, and Lady Arabella was arrested and 
confined for a time. 

On the accession of James a plot was discovered, in 
which Cobham and Raleigh were seriously impli- 

1603. cated, as well as many Catholics, for seizing the 
Lady Arabella and conveying her to Spain, so that 

one of James's rivals would be secure and might at any 
time be brought forward to contest his sovereignty. 
(Note 67.) In the trial which followed, and at which 
Arabella was present, it appeared that a letter from the 
conspirators had once been sent her, but that she had 
laughed at their proposals and acquainted the King with 
the matter.f The latter was fully persuaded of her 
innocence, and treated her afterwards with considerable 
favour, giving her an allowance of £800 a year, and 
sending constant supplies of provisions for her retainers. J 
(Note 68.) 

Being now so well received by the King, Lady Arabella 
thought fit to fall in with all his desires, and outwardly 
gave up her desire to marry Seymour, whom the King 
playfully termed " the forbidden fruit." This had the 
effect of bringing her into still greater favour, so that, 
before long, she became one of the principal channels 
through which solicitations were made to the King, and 
was able to procure many good places for her relatives and 
friends, while she received considerable sums of money for 

* D'Israeli, Curiosities of Literature, 2nd ser. 
t Lodge ; Jardine, i, 434. 

X Miss Costello, Lives of Eminent Englishwomen ; Lodge. 


advancing the suits of others. In this manner she found 
herself able to keep up a great show and live at a most 
extravagant rate, which reached such a pitch that, in 
one of Chamberlain's letters describing a Court masque, 
we read that in the matter of jewellery she far surpassed 
a lady of the Court who was said to be furnished with 
jewels to the amount of over £100,000.* (Note 68a.) 

This extravagance, as may be supposed, led her fre- 
quently into serious monetary difficulties, to free herself 
from which she resorted to extraordinary measures. In 
1608 and 1609 she frequently entreated the King for a 
grant of various English and Irish monopolies, and, on one 
occasion, she went so far as to commence a suit for the 
recovery of some lands that should have belonged to her, 
on the strange plea of the bastardy of the late Queen.f 
(Note 69.) 

In December of this same year she was suddenly 
accused of having entered into a treaty of mar- 
1609. riage with some person whose name is not men- 
tioned but who, in all probability, appears to 
have been William Seymour. In consequence of the 
suspicions entertained about her she was placed in con- 
finement, together with her servants, and even had to 
appear, in answer to the charge, before the House of 
Lords, where she denied any intention of marrying with- 
out the King's consent, and pleaded her poverty as an 
excuse for her discontent. This plea of hers being be- 
lieved by the King, she was at once set free and restored 
to favour, and, in order to remove the apparent cause of 
her discontent, James presented her with plate to the 
value of £200, as a New Year's gift, in addition to a thou- 
sand marks, to pay her debts, and at the same time in- 
creased her allowance to £1,600 a year. J (Note 70.) 

In spite of Arabella's denial, there appears no doubt 

* Chamberlain's Letter to Carleton. 

t Chamberlain, Report of Suit commenced in the Exchequer 

X Winwood, iii, 117. 


I8 7 

that she had continued her attachment towards William 
Seymour, and, as she was frequently at Woodstock, the 
latter had every opportunity of visiting her there whilst he 
was at Oxford. These meetings had apparently gone on 
for some considerable time with the result that, on Feb- 
ruary 2, 16 10, the two plighted their troth to each other. 

The betrothal, although intended to be kept a secret for 
the time being, by some means leaked out, and both 
Arabella and Seymour were brought before the Council 
when they both declared that they never intended marry- 
ing without the King's consent. They were therefore 
liberated.* (Note 70A.) 

Seymour, indeed, does not appear to have at any time 
been anxious to bring about the marriage which he no 
doubt realised would be a most unsuitable one, not merely 
from the danger both would incur in contracting it, but 
from the disparity of age that lay between them. He had 
allowed himself to be led on, weakly enough, until he had 
actually become betrothed, and, once that was done, his 
honour would not allow him to draw back from the 
engagement unless he received the free consent of the lady 
to whom he was affianced. He determined, however, to 
make one effort for his freedom and sent a message to the 
lady, in which he pointed out the extreme danger in which 
both of them would stand if they proceeded with their 
intended marriage, owing to the King's displeasure, the 
fact that neither of them had ever intended to disobey 
his commands, the difference in their positions, she being 
a lady of royal blood fit to mate with any of the highest 
degree, whilst he himself was but the second son of an earl, 
without hope or expectations, and who had already pre- 
sumed too high, and promising that he would never give 
her any cause of trouble if it pleased her to desist from 
her intended resolution towards him.f (Note 71.) 

This message does not appear to have had the intended 
result, for the Lady Arabella took no notice of it, and 

* Craik's Romance of the Peerage, 
t Wilts. Archaeolog. Mag., xv, p. 157. 



held him to his engagement. She was now again in favour 
with the King who imagined that her folly was over, and 
who, to show his good will, granted her, on the 22nd 
March, the Irish monopoly for which she had previously 
petitioned. James's confidence was, however, misplaced, for 
Arabella continued to arrange meetings with Seymour, and 
persuaded him to marry her privately at Greenwich on the 
22nd of June. (Note 72.) 

The secrecy of the marriage was no better kept than 
that of the betrothal, and, as soon as the news reached the 
ears of the King, both parties were arrested, the Lady 
Arabella being confined in the custody of Sir Thomas 
Parry at Lambeth, and Seymour being sent to the Tower, 
on July 8th, to which he was welcomed by Melvin, the 
poetical minister, with the following distich : — 

" Communis tecum mihi causa est carceris ; Ara- 
Bella, tibi causa est, Araque sacra mihi."* 

Their confinement was not, however, severe, and Sey- 
mour was able to pay occasional visits to Lambeth. This 
light imprisonment continued during that year, throughout 
which Lady Arabella made many appeals for pardon to the 
King and Council, but without success. t (Note 73.) The 
King was evidently afraid of granting a release to his 
prisoners, and he further feared their managing to escape 
him. At the same time, in view of the sympathy that 
their punishment might raise amongst the people, he did 
not think it wise to place them under severer restraint. 
There was a middle course, however, which seemed to 
ensure the security of their persons, and that was to 
remove them so far apart that communication between 
them would be difficult, even by letter, so that they 
would be prevented from concerting any plan of escape. 
Adopting this course. James ordered that Lady Arabella 
should be transferred to the keeping of the Bishop 

* Lodge ; Letter of Dudley Carleton ; Nichols, 2. 
t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 



^ of Durham, on March 13, 161 1, and be removed 
by him to his remote diocese.* (Note 74.) 

The worthy bishop duly started to carry out his in- 
structions, but he had got no further than Highgate, when 
his charge was apparently taken so ill that he dared not 
proceed farther. She was therefore placed in the house 
of a Mr. Conyers, and a physician was called in to attend 
her. The day following, March 14, she wrote to the 
Council stating that she was so weak that it would occa- 
sion her death if she were removed further, and asking 
for a delay in which to recover her strength, which she 
stated would come the sooner if she was not continually 
molested. t On the 16th the Bishop wrote to the Council 
in the same strain, and said that she refused to start at 
once upon the journey. A delay of a month was granted 
upon these representations, but in the meantime Arabella 
had been taken as far as Barnet, where she was now per- 
mitted to remain in the custody of Sir James Crofts. J 

The old Countess of Shrewsbury now came to her 
assistance, and arranged a plan by which she might escape 
and join her husband. In order to gain the time neces- 
sary for the various preparations for escape, Lady Arabella, 
though fast recovering her strength and activity, continued 
to appear ailing, and, without much difficulty, persuaded 
the Council to grant her another month's respite. § 

During this time, with the aid of Lady Shrewsbury, all 
measures were duly concerted with Seymour, who was still 
in the Tower, and, on the 4th of June, Lady Arabella, 
having carefully disguised herself " by drawing a pair of 
great French-fashioned hose over her petticoats, putting 
on a man's doublet, a man-like perruque, with long locks 
over her hair, a black hat, black cloak, russet boots with 
red tops, and a rapier at her side," walked boldly out of 

* State Papers, Domestic, James I. 

t Lady Arabella to the Council ; State Papers, Domestic, 
James I. 

X State Papers, Domestic, James I. 
§ State Papers, Domestic. 


the house, attended by one retainer only. After walking 
about a mile and a half she reached a small inn where 
Crompton, a confidential servant, was waiting with horses. 
Getting astride on one of these she rode some thirteen 
miles down the Thames to where two boats were awaiting 
her, one containing her gentlewoman and maid, the other 
her luggage and her husband's. Having entered her boat 
she caused the men to cross over to the Woolwich side, 
and then rowed down to Gravesend, on reaching which 
the watermen were exhausted, but were with some diffi- 
culty induced to row out to a French barque that was 
lying in readiness.^ 

Lady Arabella had started between three and four in 
the afternoon, and did not get on board the barque till 
the following morning. Seymour had not yet arrived, 
and she determined to wait for him, but those who were 
with her, fearing that he might not have been able to effect 
his escape, and knowing that severe penalties awaited them 
if captured, paid no heed to her desires, and at once put 
out to sea.* 

Meanwhile Seymour, attired in a wig and beard or 
black hair and in a tawny cloth suit, had escaped from the 
Tower with the aid of a cart that had brought him 
some billets of wood. After walking some distance he 
found the boat that was waiting for him and got safely to 
Lee, only to meet with the disappointment of finding the 
French barque already gone. He succeeded, however, in 
persuading a Newcastle collier that was passing to take him 
to Calais for £4.0^ but, owing to contrary winds, he was 
compelled to land at Ostend, whence he proceeded to 
Bruges to await tidings of Arabella. 

It was not till the afternoon following their escape that 
the Government learnt of Arabella's flight, a piece of news 
that threw the King and Council into great perturbation. 
Their first thought was to send an express messenger to 

* John More to Sir Ralph Winwood. — Printed in Eminent 
Englishwomen, Miss Costello. 

t John More to Sir Ralph Winwood. 


the Lieutenant of the Tower, enjoining him to set a strict 
guard over Seymour. " That," replied the Lieutenant, 
" he would thoroughly do, that he would." On proceeding 
to Seymour's apartment, however, great was his consterna- 
tion to find his prisoner gone.* 

Hasty orders were now sent to a pinnace lying in the 
Downs to make all speed and scour the French coast in 
search of the fugitives, and a proclamation was issued for- 
bidding any person from assisting or harbouring them. 
Communications were also sent to the foreign Powers 
describing their offence, and requesting that they should 
be seized and returned.f 

The Lady Arabella had meanwhile caused her followers 
to anchor off the French coast so as to await Seymour's 
appearance, and it was not long before the King's pinnace 
came upon them. On seeing it they at once hoisted sail, 
and fled towards Calais. Their barque, however, was no 
match for the pinnace, and before long they were over- 
hauled and compelled to strike, though they did not give 
in until thirteen large shot had been poured into their 

The Lady Arabella seems to have borne up against her 
capture with considerable fortitude, and openly expressed 
her joy at her husband's escape. On her return she was 
placed in the Tower, and an enquiry was held into all the 
circumstances of her escape, by which it appeared that 
Lady Shrewsbury had been the prime mover in the 
matter, and had given Arabella £850 to assist her escape, j 
Lady Shrewsbury was therefore committed to the Tower, 
as well as Seymour's servant, one Batten, who had provided 
him with his disguise. A search was also instituted for 
young Rodney, who was found to have provided the boats, 
but he had escaped, having accompanied Seymour to 

* Craik's Romance of the Peerage, 
t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 
X John More to Sir Ralph Winwood. 
§ State Papers, Domestic, James. I. 



On the 30th of June a warrant was issued for defraying 
the cost of the pursuit and capture of Lady Arabella out 
of such money as she was possessed of at the time of her 
escape, and all her jewels were taken from her, ostensibly 
for the purpose of paying her debts. # 

The unfortunate lady was kept a close prisoner in the 
Tower for the remainder of her life. What with her grief 
at her confinement and the serious attacks of illness to 
which she became subject, her mind gradually became 
deranged, f but it was not till the sixth year of her im- 
prisonment that death came to her release. She died in 
the Tower, September 25, 161 5, leaving no issue, and was 
privately buried, by night, in Westminster Abbey. 
(Note 75.) 

Though neither good-looking nor graceful she was 
gifted with considerable cleverness, and her many letters 
which remain show a great vivacity and a purity and 
elegance of style uncommon at that age. (Appendix G.) 
Her better qualities, however, seem to have been consider- 
ably marred by a somewhat flighty disposition, and by her 
love of a lavish display which led her into all sorts of 
extravagances. As an instance of the former, it may be 
sufficient to note that in April, 161 3, an order was issued 
for her closer confinement, as well as Lord Grey's (who 
was also in the Tower), because it appeared that she had 
received love messages which the latter sent her by one of 
her maids, and, as an instance of her vanity, we find that, 
in Feb. 1613, though a prisoner in the Tower, she 
bought four gowns in one morning, one of which cost 

£l,5°° : t 

William Seymour, in the meantime, had remained 
abroad, living chiefly under the protection of the 
1 6 1 1 . Archduke, who refused to deliver him up,§ though 
constantly urged to do so by James. The latter, 

* State Papers, Domestic, James I. 

t Winwood, iii, 454. 

X State Papers, Domestic, James I. 

§ The Lord Treasurer to the Minister, Winwood, ii. 

From an old print. 



however, took the greatest precautions to have him care- 
fully watched and all his doings immediately reported. 
The Minister at Brussels was ordered " to carry always a 
watchful eye to observe what entertainment he doth find 
there ; how he is respected ; to whom he most applies 
himself, who especially resort unto him, and what course 
he purposeth to take, either for his stay or his remove."* 

Seymour's grandfather, the old Earl of Hertford, had 
strongly disapproved of all his doings, and endeavoured to 
have his friend, young Rodney, removed from him, as 
many of Seymour's actions were attributed to Rodney's 
influence. He also appears greatly to have feared that 
Seymour's ideas on religion were undergoing a change, 
and that he might be won over by the Catholic party, and 
so sent John Pilling, Seymour's old tutor, to Paris (to 
which place Seymour had removed in September), to 
remonstrate with him and dissuade him from any errors 
in religion. At the same time (November) the Earl 
agreed to make him an allowance of ^200 a year.t 

The King, finding that it was not likely that Seymour 
would be delivered up to him, now changed his 
1 6 1 2. course and sent him an order forbidding him to 
set foot in England or in any of the English 
possessions, an order to which Seymour promised a faith- 
ful compliance, adding that he was glad of an opportunity 
to show his obedience, which he would maintain however 
difficult it might be to him, and thanking the King for the 
mildness of his proceedings, and begging an increase of 
his favour.^ In spite of his promise Seymour appears 
during the following year to have visited Dunkirk, a fact 
which duly reached the ears of his grandfather, who wrote 
to him very strongly on the subject of his disobedience. 
(Note 76.) The Earl, indeed, though he continually 
expressed bitter disappointment at the reports which 
reached him of his grandson's doings, seems to have 

* The Lord Treasurer to the Minister, Winwood, ii. 
t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 

X Seymour to the Council, State Papers, Domestic, James I. 


i 9 4 


treated him with considerable kindness, increasing his 
allowance to £400 a year, and paying his debts upon 
several occasions. 

Upon the death of Lady Arabella, William Seymour 
renewed his petitions for pardon and for permission 

161 5. to return home. There being no longer any 
reason for keeping him in exile, the Council con- 

161 6. veyed to him the King's permission to return on 
January 5, i6i6. # On the 10th of February 

Seymour arrived in London, and on the following day was 
received by the King, who granted him his pardon and 
restored him to favour. # 

On the 3rd of November Seymour was created a Knight 

of the Bath at the same time as the young Prince 
161 8. of Wales, and in April, 161 8, he married Frances, 

eldest daughter of Robert Devereux, second Earl 
of Essex.* In August of this same year he took the 
courtesy title of Lord Beauchamp on the death of his 
eldest brother, by which he became heir to the House of 

In December, 1620, he was returned member of Parlia- 
ment for Marlborough, but he only retained this 

1620. seat for a few weeks, for, February 14, 1621, he 
was called to the House of Lords as Baron Beau- 
champ. In April following, by the death of his grand- 
father, he became Earl of Hertford, and was summoned 

to the House of Lords " to take his place accord- 

162 1. ing to the new creation of that earldom and not 
otherwise." It will be remembered that his father 

had never been able to obtain more than a grant that he 
and his issue should become Barons of Parliament and 
Earls of Hertford upon the death of the old Earl, who 
was not mentioned as his father in the grant, and that he 
was therefore to obtain a new title instead of succeeding in 
the natural course of events. The marriage of Lady 
Catherine Grey and the Earl of Hertford was therefore 
not yet recognised by law as valid, although it was no 
* State Papers, Domestic, James I. 



longer disputed that there had been a marriage. Had the 
law, as laid down by the Commissioners in the time of 
Elizabeth, been strictly adhered to, the Earl of Hertford's 
lawful issue must have been considered extinct, in which 
case, according to the entail settled by the Act of 1540, 
the title should have gone to Sir Edward Seymour, of 
Berry Pomeroy, the head of the elder branch of the 
family, instead of to William Seymour. The means 
adopted, however, exactly suited the policy of James, for, 
by them, William Seymour received his grandfather's 
estates, and was granted the same honours as his grand- 
father had held, but his claim to royal descent through 
Lady Catherine was not acknowledged, and thus the 
chances of his becoming a possible rival for the throne 
were greatly minimized. 

Being more devoted to study and to his books than to 
a life of political activity, the new Lord Hertford lived 
more or less in retirement at one of his country houses, 
and seldom attended the meetings of Parliament. He 

was not always, however, able to avoid employ- 
1626. ment, and in February, 1626, he was made a 

member of the Committee of Privileges, and 
presented the reports on the petitions of the Earls of 
Bristol and Arundel, and, in July, 1628, he was made 
Assistant Commissioner for the disafforesting of Roche 
and Selwood forests.* 

Although out of favour at Court, his influence in the 

country had become very great, and, as Charles and 
1639. his people drifted farther apart and the prospect 

of serious disturbances grew more imminent, the 
King thought it would be good policy to bring him into 
employment. On the 23rd of March, 1639, he was 
appointed Lord Lieutenant of Somerset, his jurisdiction 
including the cities of Bath, Bristol, and Wells.* A few 
weeks previously he had been, together with many other 
nobles, requested to join the King at York, and had 
expressed his readiness to go there with such retinue as 
* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

o 2 



the short notice might allow him to collect. His commis- 
sion as Lord Lieutenant, however, now kept him busy in 
the West, and he was unable to join the King, to whom, 
however, he sent the sum of £1,000, with assurances of 
further assistance should such be required. # 

The following year he was sworn a member of the Privy 

Council and created a Marquisf (June 3). Two 
1640. days later he was introduced into the House of 

Lords by the Marquis of Winton and the Earl of 
Essex, and preceded by the Lord Chamberlain, the Earl 
Marshall and Garter, all i n their robes. Having delivered his 
patent of creation, he was conducted to a seat next below the 
Marquis of Winton. The King's reasons for granting this 
advancement are given in the patent of creation, in which 
Hertford's virtues are first mentioned and particularly 
named, then the loyalty of his family is remarked, and lastly 
his high birth and connection with royalty itself are men- 
tioned. In support of this new honour the Marquis was 
to receive £30 a year out of the customs of the port 
of London, and he was to be released from the fees 
which the Hanaper office were wont to exact on such 

Hertford was very friendly with the Earl of Essex, his 
brother-in-law, and other nobles who were out of favour 
at Court, chiefly owing to their desires for having a proper 
and settled government. In this he fully concurred with 
them, and, during August and September, he joined with 
Bedford and Essex in petitioning the King to return to a 
constitutional method of government.;]; Hertford's sym- 
pathies were indeed entirely on the side of the people and 
Parliament, and all his friends were of the same party. The 
unconstitutional methods of the King met with his open 
disapproval, and he frequently opposed Charles's demands 
in the Upper House. 

In October, he was appointed one of the Commissioners 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Clarendon's Hist. 
J State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 


I 9 7 

sent to treat with the Scots at Ripon, # after the latter had 
sent a petition to the King. The negotiations, however, 
brought no satisfactory result. November 19, he was 
deputed by Charles, with the consent of the Lords, to 
visit the Earl of Strafford in the Tower,t and he seems to 
have done his best to dissuade his friends from proceed- 
ing to extreme measures against that unfortunate noble- 
man. Not long after he was appointed, together with the 
Earl of Bristol, to confer with the Commons over some 
accusations which the latter had presented against Sir George 

The struggle between the King and the Parliament had 
by now assumed such dimensions as to threaten a civil 
war, and it became necessary for every man of any im- 
portance to throw in his lot upon one side or the other. 
Much as Hertford disapproved of the King's methods, 
the fact did not escape him that the Parliament was over- 
stepping the limits it should have observed, and was no 
longer making use of constitutional methods in its oppo- 
sition to the King. The Parliament hitherto had contented 
itself with opposing the King in furthering the rights of 
the people, but they now began to assume an authority 
that belonged to the King only as head of the Church and 
State. Always a strenuous upholder of constitutional 
authority, Hertford had hoped that the reforms needed 
would be brought about by constitutional and peaceful 
methods, but he now saw that the supreme head of the 
State was likely to be in danger. This fact alone was 
sufficient to decide his course of action. His sovereign 
was threatened. As a loyal subject he at once hastened to 
protect him.^ 

At this critical period the Earl of Newcastle resigned 
his position as Governor to the young Prince of 
1 64 1. Wales, and the choice of a new one was likely to add 
to the King's difficulties. Newcastle, however, sug- 

* Clarendon's Hist., 1, 189. 

t Journals of the House of Lords. 

X Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion. 


gested the Marquis of Hertford for the post, as being per- 
haps the only man whose appointment would be sure to 
please both the Parliament and the people. Charles favoured 
the suggestion, and on the 17th May, Hertford was ap- 
pointed Governor to the Prince of Wales.* In speaking 
of his appointment in his History of the Rebellion, Claren- 
don says : — " The Marquis of Hertford was a man of 
great honour, interest, and estate, and of an universal 
esteem over the whole kingdom ; and though he had 
received many and continued disobligations from the 
Court, from the time of this King's coming to the throne, 
as well as during the reign of James, in both which 
seasons more than ordinary care had been taken to dis- 
countenance and lessen his interest ; yet he had carried 
himself with notable steadiness from the beginning of 
the Parliament in the support and defence of the King's 
power and dignity, notwithstanding all his allies, and 
those with whom he had the greatest familiarity and 
friendship, were of the opposite party ; and never con- 
curred with them against the Earl of Strafford, whom he 
was known not to love, nor in any other extravaganzy. 

" And then he was not to be shaken in his affection to 
the government of the Church ; though it was enough 
known that he was in no degree biassed to any great in- 
clination to the person of any churchman. And with all 
this, that party carried themselves towards him with pro- 
found respect, not presuming to venture their own credit 
in endeavouring to lessen his. It is very true he wanted 
some of those qualities which might have been wished to 
be in a person to be trusted in the education of a great 
and hopeful Prince, and in forming of his mind and 
manners in so tender an age. He was of an age not fit 
for much activity and fatigue, and loved and was even 
wedded so much to his ease, that he loved his book above 
all exercises, and cared not to discourse and argue on those 
points, which he understood very well, only for the 
trouble of contending (and had even contracted such a 
* Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion. 


laziness of mind that he had no delight in an open and 
liberal conversation) ; and could never impose upon him- 
self the pain that was necessary to be undergone in such a 
perpetual attendance ; but then those lesser duties might 
be otherwise provided for, and he could well support the 
dignity of a Governor and exact that diligence from others 
which he could not exercise himself ; and his honour was 
so unblemished that none durst murmur against the 
designation. And therefore His Majesty thought him 
very worthy of the high trust, against which there was no 
other exception, but that he was not ambitious of it, nor in 
truth willing to receive and undergo the charge, so con- 
trary to his natural constitution. But in his pure zeal 
and affection for the Crown, and the conscience, that in 
this conjunction his submission might advance the King's 
service, and that the refusing of it might prove disad- 
vantageous to His Majesty, he very cheerfully undertook 
the province, to the general satisfaction and public joy of 
the whole kingdom, and to the no little honour and credit 
of the Court, that so important and beloved a person 
would attach himself to it under such a relation, when so 
many, who had scarce ever eaten any bread but the King's, 
detached themselves from their dependence, that they 
might without him and against him, preserve and im- 
prove those fortunes, which they had procured and 
gotten under him and by his bounty.'' 

Hertford's acceptance of this post seems to have been 
done more to satisfy the people than with the intention of 
really carrying out the duties of the post, for, though he 
always remained with the Prince, he does not appear to 
have ever interfered in the management of his education, 
being doubtless satisfied of the ability of the Prince's 

Shortly after his appointment, the Parliament were 
seized with the fear that the Prince might be 
i 641. removed out of the kingdom, and demanded him 
to give them an undertaking that he would be 
constant in his attendance on the Prince, and that he 



would not let him be conveyed out of the kingdom.* 
This demand was made while Hertford was in the House, 
but, ignoring the insolence of its tone, the Marquis 
replied in a courteous and dignified speech, in which he 
said that much as he felt himself bound to obey their 
injunctions on ordinary occasions, this demand was one 
which he most decidedly refused to agree to.f 

Shortly after this episode, the King accompanied the 
Queen to Dover to see her safely embarked upon a 
voyage to France. The wind, however, being unfavour- 
able, they were obliged to wait there for several days, 
upon which the King instructed Hertford to remove the 
Prince to Richmond so that there might be no reason for 
anyone suspecting that the latter might be transported to 
France. As soon as the Queen had safely embarked, 
Charles sent an express messenger to Richmond to ask the 
Marquis to bring the Prince to meet him at Greenwich. 
It so happened that just at this time Hertford was seriously 
indisposed, and not fit for a journey.J 

In the meantime Parliament had been thrown into a 
great state of alarm, for a young Welshman, named 
Griffiths, a member of the House, possessing more 
assurance than ability, and who was annoyed over some 
refusal he had met with, informed them that he had 
discovered a design for removing the Prince to France, 
and that, unless they acted at once, he would be beyond 
their reach.§ Upon this the Parliament sent an express 
message to Hertford ordering him at his peril not to let 
the Prince leave Richmond unless he himself accompanied 
him. This message, arriving at the same time as the 
King s, placed Hertford in a difficult position. Deter- 
mined, however, to obey the King without, if possible, 
angering the Parliament, he left his bed, ill as he was, and 
accompanied the Prince to Greenwich in person. II 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

t May 3, 1642, Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Life of Clarendon, 1, 81. 

$ Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, 1, 436. 

ll Clarendon's Hist., 1, 437 ; Life of Clarendon, 1, 81. 



In January of this year Hertford was put on a special 
Commission to inquire into the state of the royal 
1642. revenues and expenses. This Commission does 
not appear, however, to have had time to do much, 
for, in April, the King removed to York, and Hertford 
had to follow him with the Prince. They arrived at that 
town on the 20th, and were welcomed by an escort of 
between eight and nine hundred horse.* 

On the 13 th June, seeing that a call to arms was now 
inevitable, Hertford subscribed to the engagement for the 
defence of the Monarchy and Protestant religion, and on 
the 22nd made a voluntary contribution of sufficient 
money to pay for sixty horses for the King's service for 
three months.f Many others joined in this, and a long 
list of subscribers was drawn up. The cost of a horse 
was reckoned at 2s. 6d. per day. 

On the 2nd of August he was appointed Commissioner 
of array and Lieutenant-General in the West, with power 
to levy such bodies of horse and foot as he should rind 
necessary for His Majesty's service. His authority was 
to extend from Oxford to Land's End and from Southamp- 
ton to Radnor and Cardigan. £ Hertford, as well as all 
those appointed to act under him, had great influence in 
the western counties, and therefore had great hopes of 
success. This he shows plainly in a letter he wrote at the 
time to the Queen of Holland to inform her of the 
manner in which he had been commanded by the King to 
dispose of the Duke of York, and in which he craves 
pardon for the freedom and exultation with which he 
writes upon this occasion. § 

The Marquis set out at once, on receipt of his commis- 
sion, accompanied by the Earl of Bath, Lord Paulet, Lord 
Francis Seymour, Henry Seymour, Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir 
John Berkeley, and many others of importance in the 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 
t State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 
X Diet. Nat. Biog. 
§ Antiquarian Repertory, 2, 290. 



West, and went to Bath, where the Assizes were then 
being held, and where he hoped to meet all the more 
important of the Somersetshire gentry. Finding these for 
the greater part well affected towards the King, he held a 
consultation with all the chief men to decide upon the 
best means of raising a large force and upon the most 
suitable place for establishing their headquarters. The 
Marquis himself fancied Bristol as being the most suitable 
town, and many agreed with him ; the majority, however, 
were strongly in favour of Wells, and Hertford was 
eventually persuaded to make that town his headquarters.*" 
This point decided, he removed there at once, and set 
about allaying the apprehensions of the people by doing 
everything in a peaceable manner and according to the 
laws of the realm, at the same time employing the 
gentry who had followed him in raising troops about the 

The Parliament, meanwhile, were well informed of all 
these doings, and had already despatched a large force to 
the West partly to divide more effectually the North and 
South, but more especially to seize Hertford, Paulet, 
Seymour, Hopton, and others, whom they had already 
declared to be delinquents, t They also sent envoys to 
the West to go about and persuade the people that the 
Marquis's sole object was to put the Commission of Array 
in force, by which each yeoman and farmer would lose a 
great portion of his property. t By this means many of 
the people were won over to the side of the Parliament, 
and a considerable number joined the Parliamentary force 
for the purpose of surrounding and surprising the Mar- 
quis at Wells. 

The latter's whole force did not amount to more than 
500 men, composed of troops of horse raised by Mr. John 
Digby, Sir Francis Hawley, Sir Ralph Hopton (who had 
some dragoons raised at his own expense), about ico in- 
fantry, and the retinues of Lord Paulet and 28 of the 

* Clarendon's Hist., 2, 2-5. 

t State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 



leading gentry who had joined him, when the Parlia- 
mentary General, Sir E. Hungerford, appeared before 
Wells with 12,000 men, horse and foot, and some 

Having erected barricades, the Marquis remained 
unmolested in the city for two days, when, finding that 
some of his trained men were beginning to desert, he 
thought it best to endeavour to retire. He therefore 
marched boldly out of the city at noon and marched to 
Somerton, and thence towards Sherborne in the face of the 
enemy, who were so surprised at this boldness that, in 
spite of their overwhelming superiority of numbers, they 
made no attempt to attack him. 

On arriving at Sherborne he was joined by Sir John 
Berkeley, Col. Ashburnham, and other good officers, but 
desertions had been so numerous at Wells that, even with 
this addition, his force now numbered little over 400. A 
few days after his arrival, the Earl of Bedford, General of 
Horse to the Parliament, appeared before Sherborne with 
7,000 foot, eight full troops of horse, and four pieces of 
cannon. t Undeterred by the odds against him, Hertford 
held the town and castle for five days (during which he 
challenged the Earl of Bedford to a duel, an honour 
which the latter declined), t and so disheartened the enemy 
by the vigour and gallantry of his defence that, at the end 
of that time, the Earl sent to ask if he would allow him 
" to fairly and peaceably draw off his forces and march 
away." This request the Marquis haughtily refused, 
saying " that, as they came thither upon their own 
counsels, so they should get off* as best they could." The 
enemy thereupon retired, leaving him for some weeks 
undisturbed at Sherborne. 

At the end of this time, hearing of the loss of Ports- 
mouth, and that some troops he was expecting had been 
sent for by the King, as well as that the people of the 
county were all declaring for the Parliament, he saw that 

* Clarendon's Hist., 2, 6. 
t Clarendon's Hist., 2, 329. 


it would be impossible for him to further the King's cause 
where he was, and so determined at all costs to join His 
Majesty. With this object he marched to Minehead, 
where he expected to get shipping to transport his small 
force into Wales. On his arrival, however, he found that 
the people were against him, and that all their boats but 
two had been carefully sent away. The Earl of Bedford 
having followed him, and being now within four miles, 
the Marquis crossed into Glamorganshire with Lord 
Paulet, Lord Seymour, and a small force of foot and the 
smaller cannon, leaving Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir John 
Berkeley, Mr. Digby, and other officers with the horse 
(amounting to about 120) to march into Cornwall in the 
hopes of raising some troops in that county.* 

During his march through Wales the Marquis succeeded 
in raising some troops, and reached the King at the head 
of 2,000 foot and one regiment of horse about the time 
a Treaty was begun between the King and Parliament.* 

By this time a force had been raised in Cornwall which, 
however, required assistance as it was hard pressed. An 
army was therefore sent to its aid, and whilst on the 
march to Devon, an express was sent from the King at 
Oxford to the leaders of the Cornish army, " That Prince 
Maurice and the Marquis of Hertford, with a very good 
body of horse, would join them, and were already hasten- 
ing through Somerset ; also that Sir William Waller was 
being sent by the Parliament into the West with a new 
army." It being now necessary that the King's forces 
should be joined, the Cornish army marched eastward, 
leaving sufficient garrisons to hold Plymouth and Exeter 
in check and so relieve the Cornish people, and waited 
at Tiverton for fresh orders from the Marquis. f 

About the middle of June, Hertford, with Prince 
Maurice, who was his Lieutenant-General and so second 
in command, arrived at Chard with about 1,700 horse, a 
1,000 newly levied foot, and seven or eight field pieces. 

* Clarendon's Hist. 

t Clarendon's Hist., 2, 127, 132. 



Here they were joined by the Cornish army, which con- 
sisted of 3,000 excellent foot, 500 horse, 300 dragoons, 
and four or five field pieces. With this army the Marquis 
first marched on Taunton, the garrison of which fled to 
Bridgewater, only to leave again the next day. In three 
days he was master of Taunton, Bridgewater, and Dunstar 
Castle, all being surrendered to him without bloodshed.* 
He remained at Taunton for seven or eight days to settle 
garrisons in these places. During this time they lost 
much of the goodwill of the people, for, though the 
Cornish army behaved with great steadiness, having been 
disciplined to it by Sir Ralph Hopton for a considerable 
time, the men brought by the Marquis and Prince Maurice 
behaved as if they had been in an enemy's country. This 
soon produced a coolness between the Marquis and the 
Prince, the former insisting on a more stringent discipline, 
whilst the latter was strongly averse to it.* 

They now found that, by dint of forced marches, Sir 
William Waller, with the Parliamentary army, was within 
two days' march, and, as he had Bristol at his back whilst 
the Marquis had only the open country to draw supplies 
from, it was determined to engage him before he got 
stronger, and then continue their march to Oxford, whither 
they were now ordered, t 

The Marquis was at Somerton and Sir William 
Waller at Bath, when a skirmish occurred in which the 
enemy routed a small body of the King's dragoons. This 
led the Marquis to draw up his army and advance ; 
whereupon the enemy retired to Wells, which, however, 
they almost immediately evacuated and retired to the 
summit of Mendip Hill. The march having been long 
and the day being late, the Marquis remained at Wells 
with the infantry and baggage. Prince Maurice, however, 
determined to reconnoitre further, and, with the Earl of 
Carnarvon, Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir John Berkeley, and 
two regiments of horse, advanced to the top of the hill, 

* Clarendon's Hist., 2, 275-281. 
t Clarendon's Hist. 



the enemy meanwhile retiring in good order, guarded by 
a large force of horse which kept facing about to keep 
Prince Maurice in check.* 

The latter, thinking they were but running away, fol- 
lowed as far as a village called Chewton, where, a favour- 
able opportunity occurring, the Earl of Carnarvon, with 
great gallantry, charged and routed the whole body of 
horse, pursuing them for above two miles, when he sud- 
denly came upon a large force of cavalry, sent by Sir 
William Waller to assist his rearguard. With consider- 
able difficulty he managed to retire in good order till he 
met the Prince, when, finding that they could not well 
retire further in face of so strong a force, they resolved on 
the bold but hazardous plan of charging. This was done 
with such force and determination that the enemy were 
completely routed.* 

The Marquis remained eight days at Wells, whilst Sir 
William Waller awaited further reinforcements at Bath.* 

Matters being in a bad state in Devon, Hertford found 
himself obliged to send Sir John Berkeley with a regiment 
of horse into that county, but, in order not to weaken 
himself too much, he ordered him to send back Sir James 
Hamilton's regiment of horse which had been left in 
Devon, and which, by its license, was doing much harm to 
the King's party in the minds of the people.* 

Hertford now advanced to Frome and on to Bradford, 
four miles from Bath. Each day produced sharp skir- 
mishes, but Sir William Waller, having the better position, 
would not be drawn into a general engagement. Upon 
this Hertford advanced to Marsfield, five miles beyond 
Bath on the way to Oxford, hoping by this means to draw 
him out, for Waller's instructions were to prevent him 
from reaching that town. This move was successful, for 
Waller now drew his whole army out to Lansdowne, where, 
however, he took up such a favourable position that, if he 
was attacked, it must be at a disadvantage. The battle 
that ensued, on July 5th, has been called the battle of 
* Clarendon's Hist. 



Lansdowne, and will be best described in Clarendon's own 
words : — 

" Sir William Waller, as soon as it was light, possessed 
himself of that hill, and after he had, upon the brow of 
the hill over the highway, raised breastworks with faggots 
and earth, and planted cannon there, he sent a strong body 
of horse towards Marsfield, which quickly alarmed the other 
army, and was shordy driven back to their body. As 
great a mind as the King's forces had to cope with the 
enemy, when they were drawn into battalia, and found the 
enemy fixed on the top of the hill, they resolved not to 
attack them upon so great disadvantage ; and so retired 
again towards their old quarters, which Sir William Waller 
perceiving, sent his whole body of horse and dragoons 
down the hill to charge the rear and flank of the King's 
forces ; which they did thoroughly, the regiment of 
Cuirassiers so amazing the horse they charged, that they 
totally routed them ; and, standing firm and unshaken 
themselves, gave so great a terror to the King's horse, who 
had never before turned from an enemy, that no example 
of their officers, who did their parts with invincible 
courage, could make them charge with the same confidence, 
and in the same manner they had usually done. How- 
ever, in the end, Sir Nicholas Slanning with 300 musque- 
teers, had fallen upon and beaten their reserve of dragoons, 
Prince Maurice and the Earl of Carnarvon, rallying their 
horse, and winging them with the Cornish musqueteers, 
charged the enemy's horse again, and totally routed them ; 
and in the same manner received two bodies more, and 
routed and chased them to the hill ; where they stood in 
a place almost inaccessible. On the brow of the hill there 
were breastworks, on which were pretty bodies of small 
shot and some cannon. On either flank grew a pretty 
thick wood towards the declining of the hill, in which 
strong parties of musqueteers were placed ; at the rear, 
was a very fair plain, where the reserves of horse and foot 
stood ranged ; yet the Cornish foot were so far from being 
appalled at this disadvantage, that they desired to fall on, 



and cried out ' that they might have leave to fetch off 
those cannon.' In the end, order was given to attempt 
the hill with horse and foot. Two strong parties of mus- 
queteers were sent into the woods, which flanked the 
enemy ; and the horse and other musqueteers up the 
roadway, which were charged by the enemy's horse and 
routed ; then Sir Bevil Greenvil advanced with a party of 
horse, on his right hand, that ground being the best for 
them ; and his musqueteers on the left ; himself leading 
up his pikes in the middle ; and in the face of their 
cannon, and small shot from the breastworks, gained the 
brow of the hill, having sustained two full charges of the 
enemy's horse ; but in the third charge, his horse failing, 
and giving ground, he received, after other wounds, a blow 
on the head with a poll-axe, with which he fell, and many 
of his officers about him ; yet the musqueteers fired so 
fast upon the enemy's horse that they quitted their ground, 
and the two wings, who were sent to clear the woods, 
having done their work, and gained those parts of the hill, 
at the same time beat off their enemy's foot, and became 
possessed of the breastworks ; and so made way for their 
whole body of horse, foot, and cannon to ascend the hill ; 
which they quickly did, and planted themselves on the 
ground they had won ; the enemy retiring about demi 
culverin shot behind a stone wall upon the same level, and 
standing in reasonable good order. Either party were 
sufficiently tired and battered to be contented to stand still. 
The King's horse were so shaken, that of 2,000 which 
were upon the field in the morning, there were not above 
600 at the top of the hill. The enemy were exceedingly 
scattered, too, and had no mind to venture on plain ground 
with those who had beaten them from the hill ; so that, 
exchanging only some shot from their ordnance, they 
looked upon one another till the night interposed. About 
1 2 o'clock, it being very dark, the enemy made a show of 
moving towards the ground they had lost ; but giving a 
smart volley of small shot, and finding themselves answered 
with the like, they made no more noise ; which the Prince 



observing, he sent a common soldier to hearken as near 
the place, where they were, as he could ; who brought word 
1 that the enemy had left lighted matches in the wall 
behind which they had lain, and were drawn off the field ' ; 
which was true ; so that, as soon as it was day, the King's 
army found themselves possessed entirely of the field, and 
the dead, and all other signs of victory. Sir William Waller 
being marched to Bath, in so much disorder and apprehen- 
sion, that he left great store of arms and ten barrels of 
powder behind him, which was a very seasonable supply to 
the other side who had spent in that day's service no less 
than fourscore barrels, and had not a safe proportion left." 

After this victory the Marquis at once sent to Oxford 
to inform the King, and to ask for a regiment or two of 
horse and some ammunition. The Earl of Crawford was 
at once sent to him with his regiment of 500 horse and a 
supply of powder.* 

Having rested a few days at Marsfield, Hertford started 
to march to Oxford and join the King's army, thinking 
that a better plan than staying to attend to Waller, who 
was still at Bath, where he was waiting for fresh troops 
from Bristol. The latter, however, hearing that Sir Ralph 
Hopton and many distinguished officers in the Marquis's 
army were badly wounded, and believing that the army 
was short of ammunition, and probably discouraged by 
their severe losses, quickly gathered fresh men from 
Bristol, Wilts, Gloucester, and Somerset, and followed the 
Marquis towards Chippenham. # 

Early the next morning Hertford, hearing of the enemy's 
approach, drew back his army through Chippenham, and 
drew it up in order of battle on ground that gave his 
infantry every advantage, well knowing that his horse, 
being weary, would not be of any great assistance. 
Waller, however, who trusted his horse as much as he 
distrusted his new levies of foot, declined the engagement. 
Hertford, having waited all night, marched the following 
day towards Devizes, having arranged a very strong rear- 
* Clarendon's Hist. 




guard to repel any attacks of the enemy. This the rear- 
guard did so well that Waller, despairing of overtaking 
him, sent a messenger to him with a letter, offering him a 
pitched battle in a place of his own choosing, out of the 
way. Perceiving this to be only a ruse to delay the 
march, Hertford took the messenger with him for some 
miles before returning any answer. During the whole of 
this day the enemy pressed hard on his rear, but without 
effect, and the army reached Devizes in safety.* 

The Parliamentary army had been daily increasing in 
strength, and Hertford now saw that, owing to the open- 
ness of the country and its suitability for cavalry attacks, 
it would be impossible to get his infantry safely to Oxford. 
He decided, therefore, to break through with Prince 
Maurice and the cavalry and bring relief from Oxford, 
which was but thirty miles distant. This was successfully 
done the same night, the force reaching Oxford in the 
early morning.* 

Sir William Waller, meanwhile, had surrounded Devizes 
and attacked it on every side, but without success. Hear- 
ing, however, of the Earl of Crawford's advance to join 
the army with horse and ammunition, he sent a strong 
party in that direction which surprised and completely 
routed him. Encouraged by this success he sent a mes- 
senger into the town to summons the leaders to surrender ; 
this they would not do, but agreed to treat with him on 
condition that hostilities should cease during the negotia- 
tions. By this means they trusted to gain time for aid to 
reach them.* 

The Marquis, meanwhile, had not been idle, and, having 
obtained from the King all the horse, to the number of 
1,500, and two cannon, that could be spared, under the 
command of Lord Wilmot, started off in the evening of 
the same day he had arrived (Monday), and, at noon on 
Wednesday, arrived within two miles of the town.f 

The enemy had been told of their approach, and, de- 

* Clarendon's Hist. 

t Clarendon's Hist., 2, 287-293. 


2 I I 

termined to prevent the junction of the two forces, drew 
away from the town and took up a position on Roundway 
Down, over which they were bound to pass.* 

The army in the town, thinking this a stratagem and 
not having heard of the approach of help, as all the mes- 
sengers had been intercepted, were somewhat late in 
coming out to take their share in the battle ; a delay 
which enabled Waller to advance quickly against the 
Marquis and Lord Wilmot, who were forced to await his 
charge on the best ground they could get. In his haste 
and contempt of the small force opposed to him, Waller 
now made a fatal mistake, for, leaving his foot, he ad- 
vanced with his horse only. His cuirassiers went first, 
but, after a sharp conflict, were routed, and, in their flight, 
charged on to their own supports. At the same time 
Lord Wilmot charged, attacking one division after another 
with such success that, in half an hour, the whole body of 
Waller's horse was totally routed and dispersed.* 

The foot still stood firm, but their cannon was soon 
taken and turned against them by Lord Wilmot, and the 
Cornish foot, having now arrived from the town, charged 
them in rear and completely routed them. Sir W. Waller 
with difficulty escaped, and reached Bristol with onlv a 
few followers.* 

The King now resolved to make an attempt upon 
Bristol, and on July 24th two armies sat down before it, 
one commanded by the Marquis and Prince Maurice, the 
other by Prince Rupert. On the following day a council 
was held as to the best manner of taking the town, the 
Marquis and his officers being of opinion that, as there 
was no army near to relieve it and the works being very 
strong, a regular siege would be the surest manner, the 
more so as there was believed to be a very strong party 
in the city who were favourable to the King, and whose 
influence might make itself felt after a few days of a close 

* Clarendon's Hist., 2, 287-293. 
t Clarendon's Hist. 

P 2 

2 I 2 


Prince Rupert was in favour of an immediate assault, 
and eventually carried his point. It was therefore decided 
to assault the town the next morning, which was done 
with such courage and impetuosity that it was soon taken, 
though not without great loss. It appears probable that 
the town would not have been captured had there not been 
treachery or cowardice on the part of the defendants, who 
threw down their arms as soon as Colonel Washington 
with a few men had reached the top of the rampart ; the 
towns-people, however, inflicted great loss on Prince 
Rupert's men by firing from their windows as they passed 
through the streets. # 

Soon after the capture of Bristol an unfortunate rup- 
ture took place between the Marquis and Prince Rupert. 
It appears that the latter, as well as Prince Maurice, were 
annoyed that a Prince should be second in command to 
the Marquis, who had not been brought up as a soldier. 
The latter, on the other hand, though he permitted Prince 
Maurice to have almost the entire military control, did 
not approve of his assuming more than became his station 
as Lieutenant-General, and frequently crossing acts of his 
in the management and governing of the country, about 
which he knew more than the Prince. When Bristol was 
taken, the Marquis took to himself the command-in-chief, 
both because he was head of the army and Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of that city, which came particularly into the com- 
mission he had received from the King ; he was, therefore, 
not unnaturally annoyed when Prince Rupert entered into 
a treaty with the inhabitants and completed it, without 
taking his advice or noticing him in any way ; and 
accordingly, not to be outdone, he gave the government 
of the city to Sir Ralph Hopton without consulting the 
Princes. On hearing this Prince Rupert sent a messenger 
to the King asking if he might not himself take the 
government of the city ; and His Majesty, not knowing 
that a Governor had already been appointed, answered in 
the affirmative. # 

* Clarendon's Hist. 



Almost immediately after, Hertford's report arrived, and 
then the King saw what had occurred and what a difficult 
position he himself was now in ; and, as none of his 
advisers could show him what to do, he resolved to go to 
Bristol in person. On his arrival there, he succeeded, by 
flattering both and putting the matter as a great personal 
favour to himself, in inducing each party to give way in 
some measure, and finally made an arrangement agreeable 
to the pride of both, namely, that Prince Rupert should, 
nominally, be Governor, and that Sir Ralph Hopton 
should be Lieutenant-Governor and have the real manage- 
ment of the city.* 

An army was now sent to Dorchester, but the King 
kept the Marquis with him to attend on his own person ; 
"for though he well saw he should undergo some incon- 
veniences by withdrawing the Marquis from that employ- 
ment, the opinion of the soundness of his religion and 
integrity of his justice, rendering him by much the most 
popular man in those parts, and was exceedingly tender of 
giving the least umbrage and distaste to his lordship, upon 
whose honour and friendship he relied entirely, and would 
as soon have trusted his crown upon his fidelity as upon 
any man's in his three kingdoms, yet he discerned plainly 
that the Prince and Marquis would never agree together," 
&c. # 

The King then declared to him, "that he would make 
him a Gentleman of his Bedchamber, and Groom 
1644. of his Stole (January), and that he would always 
have his company and advice about him " ; and 
seems to have thought so highly of him that he trusted 
him with his counsels perhaps more than anyone else. 
Many of the King's wisest followers, however, thought 
that a greater success would have attended the army had 
Hertford again been in command, and if the Prince had 
gone with His Majesty's force and only interfered in 
purely military matters.* 

Some time after this a fresh difference arose between 
* Clarendon's Hist. 



Prince Maurice and the Marquis. It appears that the 
Earl of Carnarvon had captured Dorchester and Wey- 
mouth, the latter being then a very important place. The 
Marquis, who was still nominally in command of the 
army, had promised the government of this place, when 
it should be captured, to Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, a 
most suitable man for the appointment, and had raised 
some officers and men so as to form a garrison for its 
defence, without in any way lessening the army. 

Prince Maurice, however, wanted to place some fol- 
lower of his in this command, and in the end the matter 
had to be brought before the King, who, after due con- 
sideration, gave it as his opinion that the Marquis was in 
the right, and therefore appointed his nominee.^ 

During the remainder of the war Hertford remained in 
constant attendance on the King, and took no further 
active part in any of the military operations. 

It will be remembered that Hertford had been brought 
up at Oxford, in which college he took a great interest, 
which was not lessened even during the stirring times 
that had followed. In his younger days he had become 
M.A. and B.A., and June, 1643, he had been elected 
Chancellor of the University, a post which he held 
1645. till 1647. He was now, May 8, 1645, appointed 
one of the Commissioners for the preservation and 
well ordering of the city and University of Oxford, as well 
as for the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Bucks, and 
the garrisons within them during the King's absence.t 
He was also one of the nobles to whom the King entrusted 
the militia. 

On the 28th of January of this year he was appointed 
one of the sixteen Commissioners sent to treat with the 
representatives of Parliament at Uxbridge, and after the 
completion of the treaty made at that place, he returned to 
r s his duties at Oxford, remaining there till the 
4 ' surrender of that city, June 24, 1646. Under the 

* Clarendon's Hist. 

t State Papers, Domestic. 


2I 5 

articles of this surrender he was able to compound for the 
retention of his estates. # 

During the subsequent confinement of the King, 
Hertford remained in constant attendance on 
1648. him. In September, 1648, he was made one of 
the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber, and during 
the same month was one of the Commissioners for the 
treaty of Newport. When Charles was to be tried, 
Hertford joined with the Duke of Richmond, the Earl 
of Southampton, and the Earl of Lindsay in offering 
themselves as a sacrifice for the safety of the King's 
person, urging that as Privy Councillors they had been 
the advisers of the measures now imputed to the King 
as criminal, that the exclusive responsibility for his acts 
rested upon them, and that therefore they should meet 
with the punishment instead of the King.f 

After the execution of King Charles, these same noble- 
men requested leave from the Parliament to bury his 
body in a suitable place and attend it themselves to the 
place of interment. The first part of this request was 
readily granted, but a restriction was placed upon the 
latter part, namely, that they should not meet the body 
till it was outside London. A further request they 
made, that the Bishop of London should be permitted 
to perform the funeral service, was refused. " They 
attended the funeral to Windsor ; but, not being able to 
find, in the chapel, the place where the English princes 
used to be interred, they caused a grave to be made near 
a spot where they were told there was a vault in which 
Henry VIII and Queen Jane Seymour were buried. 
Here they privately buried the King. They had indeed 
no power to prepare or do anything, having obtained 
leave only to be present. They were not allowed to have 
more than three servants each to accompany them into 
the castle. They found the church so wild a place that 
they did not know it again ; for the soldiers of the 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Clarendon's Hist. ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 


garrison had broken down all the wainscot, rails, and 
partitions, defaced all the monuments, and turned the 
whole into a barn or stable." # (Note 77.) 

Having thus performed the last sad rites for the 
Sovereign he had so faithfully followed, Hertford found 
himself now compelled to undergo his own troubles. 
These, however, were not as great as they might have been, 
for he had earned the respect and esteem of Cromwell 
and the Parliament by his continued upright and honest 
behaviour. On July 22, 1650, the Council wrote to him 
saying that, though he was to remain in confinement 
according to the Act passed against him and others as 
delinquents, he might make a choice of any of his houses 
in Wiltshire or at Yelverton in which to live.f He 
accordingly chose Netley, in Hampshire. On Novem- 
ber 22 he was made to enter into recognisances with the 
Council of State, binding him in the sum of £20,000, 
or two sureties of £10,000, to remain at Netley and be of 
good behaviour, and appear whenever called upon to do 
so within ten days of the summons. Shortly afterwards 
he received a permit to come to London at the request of 
the Solicitor-General, which visit over he had 
1 65 1. again to return to Netley. f On March 17, 1651, 
the Council wrote to him to say that they con- 
sidered it might be prejudicial to the peace of the Com- 
monwealth and the security of those parts if he remained 
there longer, and accordingly ordered him to remove him- 
self and his family to his house at Amesbury on or before 
the 1st of April. They further said that they understood 
that many dangerous and disaffected persons resorted to 
his house, and that several of his servants were described 
as such, and they insisted that these practices should be 
put a stop to.f 

In November a dispute arose between the Marquis and 
Lord Hereford which almost led to a duel, but the 
Council, hearing of it in time, caused them both to 

* Clarendon's Hist., 1, 370. 
t State Papers, Domestic. 


2 1 7 

appear before them and bound them over to keep the 
peace. # The cause of the dispute appears to have been 
that they had throughout been on opposite sides, and the 
Marquis looked upon Hereford as a traitor, and, further, 
would not acknowledge his title, which the late King had 
declared he had no right to. Mr. Selden supported the 
King in this opinion, and from an inquiry made after the 
Restoration it appeared that Hereford had no claim upon 
the title of Viscount which he had taken. # 

Before many months had passed, the restrictions placed 
upon Hertford's liberty were removed, and he was per- 
mitted to compound with Parliament for the removal of 
the Act of delinquency passed against him, by paying the 
sum of ,£8,345. At the same time he was removed from 
the Chancellorship of Oxford.* 

During the remainder of the usurpation he continued 
to live in a quiet manner in the country, but at the same 
time never lost an opportunity of assisting the King's 
cause. During the latter's exile, he regularly sent him 
,£5,000 a year. The Marquis of Hertford and Lord 
Southampton were the principal persons on whom 
Charles II relied for the furthering of his cause in 
England. They kept him well informed as to every 
event that occurred, and warned him of any new 
1654. danger that appeared to threaten him.f On one 
occasion in 1654, when the news they received 
gave them reason to fear that Cardinal Richelieu was 
inclined to give up Charles to Cromwell, they contrived 
to despatch Henry Seymour at once with the news to the 
King, and accompanied it with the sum of ,£3,000, so 
that the latter would be enabled to leave France if 
necessary, f 

Cromwell himself had a high opinion of Hertford's 
abilities, and, knowing the esteem in which the latter was 
held throughout the country, made several attempts to 
win him over to his side. On one such occasion he sent 

* State Papers, Domestic. 

t Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, 3, 522. 



to invite him to dinner, an invitation which was duly- 
accepted, amounting, as it practically did, to a command. 
On Hertford's arrival he found himself treated with the 
greatest respect and, after dinner, in the drawing-room, 
the Protector informed him that he had desired his com- 
pany in order that he might speak with him and receive 
his advice. "For," he said, "I am, not able to bear the 
weight of business that is upon me, I am weary of it, and 
you, my lord, are a wise man, of great experience, and 
well versed in the business of government, pray advise 
me what I shall do." Hertford replied that, seeing he 
had always been a faithful servant of the King's and one 
of his Privy Council, it was not consistent with his 
principles that he should give him advice, nor was it fair 
the Protector should ask it. Cromwell, however, con- 
tinued to press him, whereupon, in the end, the Marquis 
said : " Sir, I will declare to your highness my thoughts, 
by which you may continue to be great, and establish 
your name and family for ever. Our young master is 
abroad, that is, my master, and the master of us all ; 
restore him to his crown, and by doing this, you may have 
what you please." Cromwell, in no way angered by this 
speech, said that he feared he had gone so far that the 
young gentleman could not forgive, upon which the 
Marquis replied, " that, if his highness pleased, he would 
undertake with his master for what he had said." Crom- 
well, however, said, " that in his circumstances he could 
not trust " ; and thus they parted, the Protector being left 
with a still greater respect for the steadfastness and loyalty 
of Hertford's character. # 

When the Restoration came, Hertford was one of the 

nobles who met the King at Dover, May 26. The 
1660. following day, at Canterbury, he was made a Privy 

Councillor and invested with the Garter (he had 
previously been made a member of that order in Jersey, 
January 12, 1659). 

* Lives of the Friends and Contemporaries of Lord Chancellor 
Clarendon, by Lady Theresa Lewis, vol. iii, 122-3. 



On the 1 8th August the Marquis appeared before the 
House of Lords and informed them that it appeared that 
a patent had been granted to the Marquis of Worcester to 
the prejudice of other peers. It was a patent to be Duke 
of Somerset. The matter was at once referred to a Com- 
mittee, and Worcester then confessed that such a patent 
had been made and left in his hands by the King, but that 
the conditions upon which it was granted had never been 
performed, and he was therefore prepared to deliver it up 
to His Majesty.* (In justice to Charles it must be said 
that he had granted this patent long before, and apparently 
in ignorance of Hertford's claim to the title.) 

Worcester having abandoned his claim, an Act was 
now passed, September 13, restoring the Marquis of 
Hertford to the Dukedom of Somerset, with all the privi- 
leges formerly granted to that title, as if the Act of 
attainder against his great-grandfather, passed in the reign 
of Edward VI, April 12, 1552, had never been made. 
When the King gave his assent to it he added, " that as this 
was an Act of an extraordinary nature, so it was done for 
an extraordinary person, who had merited as much of his 
royal father and himself as any subject could do, and 
therefore hoped no man would envy it." 

Thus, after a long and eventful life, did Sir William 
Seymour at last succeed in recovering the family honours. 
He did not, however, live long to enjoy them, for he died 
on the 24th of October in the same year, and was buried 
at Great Bedwyn, November 1. 

This Duke of Somerset's life deserves more notice than 
has generally been accorded to it. He was a man of great 
and varied abilities, and was endowed with great strength 
of mind and character. His tastes were more those of 
the student and philosopher than those of a man of action, 
yet when the time came he proved himself a courageous 
and capable soldier and general, and exhibited the talents 
of a great statesman in ruling over the counties which he 
was appointed to govern during the Civil War. He had 
* Journals of the House of Lords, 11, 133, 138, 153. 



been in his youth first imprisoned and then exiled by- 
James, and later had suffered the effects of Charles's ill 
favour, yet when the latter was in danger he had hastened 
to his side, and had willingly undergone the hardships and 
dangers of war on his behalf, though he found himself 
obliged to battle against his own friends. Such was the 
esteem which his conduct earned for him from both 
parties that, after he had left the army in the field on 
account of Prince Rupert's behaviour and had become 
Charles's constant companion and friend, he was employed 
as prime agent in all public and private negotiations with 
the rebels, who looked upon him with such reverence that 
they held his person sacred, though he frequently put 
himself in their power, and allowed him the utmost 
freedom in conversing or corresponding with any mem- 
bers of their party. Nor were his personal services all 
that he gave his master, for he spent his private means on 
his behalf. Not only did he contribute large sums 
towards the payment and equipment of the troops, many 
of which were raised at his sole expense, but he supplied 
the King with many large sums of ready money, on one 
occasion as much as ^60,000, and during the fifteen years 
of Charles II's exile he regularly gave him ^5,000 a year. 
So great was his loyalty to the Crown, as head of the 
English Constitution, that he was ready to spend his life 
and fortune in the service of a King from whom, during 
his prosperity, he had never received a kindly word or the 
slightest mark of favour. If any man deserves the epithets 
of faithful, just, loyal, and true, surely it is this Duke of 

By his first wife, Arabella, he had no issue ; but by his 
second, Frances, daughter of Robert Devereux, Earl of 
Essex, he had five sons and four daughters — 

William Seymour, who died young, unmarried. 
Robert Seymour, who died young, unmarried. 
Henry Seymour, Lord Beauchamp, who was born in 
1630. He followed his father throughout the 

From a Picture at Pctmorth, by hind permission of tin- late Lord LtCOHfuld. 



22 1 

Civil War, towards the close of which his health 
became seriously injured. He was employed 
frequently in visiting the West of England, com- 
municating with the King's friends, and sending 
in reports as to the state and feeling of the 
country. In 1651 he was taken by the Parlia- 
ment and sent to the Tower to be kept a close 
prisoner for ten days for treason (April 9). His 
imprisonment, however, was of much longer dura- 
tion, for, April 16, he was examined by order of 
the Council of State, who at his request allowed 
him to see his physician in the presence of the 
Lieutenant of the Tower ; April 1 7, he was per- 
mitted to engage a servant, provided the latter 
was vouched for by the Lieutenant of the Tower, 
and his further examination was put off for a week; 
April 24, he petitioned to be allowed to take exer- 
cise about the Tower, a request that was granted 
on the 28th. At the same time Lady Beauchamp 
with her maid were allowed to join him for ten 
days on condition they did not leave the Tower 
and spoke to no one except in the presence of the 
Lieutenant. On May 6, Lady Beauchamp was 
permitted to remain with her husband, on the 
same conditions, until further notice. Septem- 
ber 9, Lord Beauchamp was bailed out on a bond 
of X' 1 0,000, with two sureties of £5,000 each. 
September 17, he was granted permission to go 
into the country.* During this time his health 
had broken down completely and, hoping a greater 
change might bring about a recovery, he went 
over to France soon after his release, and died 
there in 1654. He had married Mary, daughter 
of Arthur, Lord Capel of Hadham, by whom he 
had one son and three daughters, viz. : — 

William Seymour, born 1651, who became third 

* State Papers, Domestic. 


Duke of Somerset, and of whom we must 
speak later. 

Frances and Mary Seymour, who died young. 

Elizabeth Seymour, who, by a warrant from 
Charles II, June 28, 1672, assumed the title 
of Lady and the rank of a Duke's daughter, 
which, by her father's decease during the 
lifetime of her grandfather, she had been 
debarred from. August 31, 1676, she mar- 
ried Thomas, Lord Bruce, afterwards Earl of 
Aylesbury, and, as heir to her brother, 
brought Tottenham Park, Savernake Forest, 
and other possessions into that family.^ 

John Seymour, who became fourth Duke of Somerset, 
and of whom we shall speak later. 

Edward Seymour, who died young. 

Frances Seymour, who was married three times ; 
first to Richard, Viscount Molyneux ; secondly to 
Thomas, Earl of Southampton ; thirdly to Conyers, 
Lord Darcy, afterwards Earl of Holderness. She 
died without issue. 

Arabella Seymour, who died unmarried. 

Mary Seymour, who married Heneage Finch, second 
Earl of Winchelsea. 

Jane Seymour, who married Charles Boyle, Lord 
Clifford of Lanesborough, son and heir of Richard 
Boyle, first Earl of Burlington and second Earl 
of Cork. 

The Duke of Somerset had made his will, August 1 5, 
1657. In it he took great care of his daughters, Frances, 
Mary, and Jane, and of his granddaughter Elizabeth. 
Amongst other properties, he bequeathed amongst them 
the manors of Savage, Darell, and Esturmy. His other 
estates were left in such a manner that in course of time 
they all devolved upon his granddaughter and passed into 

* Papers relating to Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset (case of Lord Aylesbury and the Duke of Somerset). 


the Aylesbury family. This lady benefited still further 
upon the death of her grandmother, Frances, Duchess 
of Somerset, in May, 1673. Amongst other things she 
received, were the portrait of William, the second Duke, 
the portrait of William, the third Duke, the double pic- 
ture of Frances, Duchess, and her brother, when children, 
and the Seymour pedigree at Tottenham/* The latter 
was a great scroll, six feet wide and twenty-four feet long, 
beautifully illustrated with miniatures, arms, seals, deeds, 
and grants. 

[Letters and Papers of Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset ; Life and Letters of Lady Arabella Stuart, Cooper ; 
Life of Lady Arabella Stuart, by E. J. Bradley (Mrs. Murray 
Smith) ; Lives of Eminent Englishwomen, Miss Costello ; 
Harl. MS.; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Wilts. Archasolog. Ma?., x\ ; 
State Papers, Domestic, James I ; Dugdale's Baronage; Claren- 
don's Hist, of the Rebellion ; Life of Clarendon ; State 
Papers, Domestic, Charles I ; Journals of the House of Lords ; 
Collins's Peerage ; Gardiner's Histories of England and of the 
Great Civil War ; Antiquarian Repertory, 2, 290 ; Win- 
wood's Memoirs; D' Israeli s Curiosities of Literature ; Rymer's 
Foedera ; Complete Peerage ; Rushworth's Historical Collec- 
tion ; Birch's Memoirs of the Reign of Elizabeth, n, 506 ; 
Lodge's Portraits of Illustrious Personages, ed. Bohn ; White- 
locke's Memoirs ; Nichols's Progresses of James I ; Edinburgh 
Review, July, 1896 ; Forster's Alumni, Oxon. ; Nicholas 
Papers (Camden Society), 11, 66; Courthorpe's Historical 
Peerage ; Metcalfe's Book of Knights ; Hutching's Dorset ; 
Memoirs of James I, Aikin, &c] 

* Papers relating to Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset (case of Lord Aylesbury and the Duke of Somerset). 




He was born in 1651, and succeeded his grandfather 
in the title in 1660. He died, unmarried, at the age of 
20, at Worcester House, in the Strand, September 12, 
1 67 1, and was interred at Great Bedwin, where he lies 
without any monument to mark his last resting-place.* 
(Appendix H.) His great estates, Tottenham Park, 
Savernake Forest, &c, devolved upon his sister Elizabeth, 
whilst the title went to his uncle, John Seymour. 

* Genealogical Hist., 539. 

From an old Engraving. 


From a Picture in the Council Chamber at Salisbury. 




He succeeded his nephew in the title in 1671, but did 
not live to enjoy it long, for he died four years after- 
wards, April 29, 1675, at Amesbury, in Wilts, whence 
his body was conveyed to Salisbury and buried in the 
Cathedral there on June 10. 

By his death without issue the title of Marquis became 
extinct, as that had been limited to the descendants of 
William Seymour, created Marquis of Hertford in 1641. 

He had married Sarah, daughter of Sir Edward Alston, 
knight, President of the College of Physicians. This 
lady was the widow of George Grimston, son of Sir Har- 
bottle Grimston, Master of the Rolls. 

The Duchess not only survived him but his successor 
as well, living till October, 1692. She led a retired life, 
but became well known and distinguished by her exten- 
sive charity. She showed a great attachment to the 
Seymour family for, by her will dated May 17, 1686, she 
left two manors and other lands of great value, limited in 
the strictest manner, to Charles Seymour, 6th Duke of 
Somerset, and his heirs. (Note 78.) 

She also left to her trustees, Lord Delamere, Sir Samuel 
Grimston, and Sir William Gregory, the sum of £1,700 
with which to erect an almshouse at Froxfield for 30 poor 
widows, ten of whom were to be ministers' widows 
living in Wilts, Berks, or Somerset ; ten to be chosen 
out of the Duchess's manors in Wilts ; five to be widows 
from London or Westminster ; the remaining five to be 
other widows from Wilts, Berks, or Somerset. A further 
sum of £200 was to be spent in providing durable furni- 
ture. As an endowment she left the manors of Frox- 




field, Hewish, and Shaw, with all their lands, and some 
houses at Milton and Fifield. When the income should 
exceed £400 a year, the surplus was to go towards pro- 
viding accommodation for 30 more widows. Later on, 
in a codicil, she added the manor and farm of Cherring- 
ton to the endowment, and gave £500 more for building 
and £100 more for furnishing. The advowson of Hewish 
she left as a provision for the chaplain.* 

* Will of Sarah, Duchess of Somerset. 


From an Old Print. 






He was, as we have seen, the 4th son of Charles, Lord 
Seymour of Trowbridge, who was grandson to Francis 
Seymour, third grandson of Edward, Earl of Hertford, 
and brother to William the second Duke. 

He was born May 25, 1655, and on June 10 was 
baptized at Preshute. At the age of ten he succeeded his 
father as Baron Seymour, and at twenty he succeeded to 
the title of Duke of Somerset and Earl, but not Marquis, 
of Hertford ; the latter honour, as we have seen, having 
become extinct. 

He only held the title for three years, dying in 1678, 
under the following circumstances : During a trip abroad 
he was persuaded by some French friends to accompany 
them to the church of the Augustines at Lerice where, 
though they were all men of rank, they are reported to 
have grossly insulted some ladies of the noble family of 
Botti. This so exasperated the husband of one of them, 
Horatio Botti, that he set out in search of the aggressors 
and, chancing to see the Duke standing at the door of his 
inn, he immediately shot him.* 

Mr. Hildebrand Alington (afterward Lord Alington), 
who was travelling with him, at once demanded satisfac- 
tion of the State of Genoa, in which this occurrence had 
taken place. To pacify him, the Genoese did their 
utmost to apprehend Horatio Botti, and issued a large 
reward for his capture. Botti, however, had escaped. 
After some time, as a sort of atonement to the King of 

* Collinson's Somersershirn. 

Q 2 



England for the death of so illustrious a subject, an effigy 
of Botti was publicly hung. 

In justice to the Duke, it may be said that all agreed 
that he was entirely innocent of taking any active part in 
the affair, but some measure of blame must still rest on 
him for not doing his utmost to restrain his companions. 

His body was brought back to England and was buried 
at Preshute on October 15, 1678. 


From a picture at Bulstrode, by hind permission of the Lady Gwendolen Ramsdcn. 




Charles Seymour, " the proud Duke of Somerset " as 
he has generally been called, on account of his stately 

manner of living and his extreme haughtiness, was 
1662. born on the 12th of August, 1662,* and was 

baptized at Preshute. 
At the age of 15 he was sent to Trinity College, Cam- 

bridge,f where he remained for some years to 
1678. complete his education, although within a year of 

his entering that place he found himself compelled 
to take up the responsibilities of his position as Duke of 
Somerset upon the sudden and tragic death of his elder 

The estates accompanying the title were very few and 
of small value, owing to the expenses of his predecessors. 
His ancestor, William, the 2nd Duke, had, as we have 
seen, greatly encumbered his property during the Civil 
War in order to raise money for the King's service and 
through his liberality to Charles II during the usurpation, 
nor had he lived long enough after the Restoration to 
reap any pecuniary reward for his loyalty. Of the estates 
that remained he had also, as we have seen, left the 
greater part to his daughters and grandchildren. 

Charles was, in consequence, far from well off for his 
position, and it became necessary that he should contract 
some alliance which would place him in more 
1682. favourable circumstances. This he was soon able 
to do for, on May 30, 1682, he married the Lady 

* Memoirs of the Kit Cat Club. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Lodge's Portraits. 


Elizabeth, sole daughter and heiress of Josceline Percy, 
last Earl of Northumberland^ This lady was without 
doubt the greatest match in the kingdom, and amongst 
other properties which she brought to her husband was 
Sion House which, it will be remembered, had been built 
by the 1st Duke of Somerset, but had been confiscated 
on his downfall and given to his rival. So great was 
the eagerness with which Charles entered into this alliance 
that he agreed in the marriage articles that himself and 
his heirs should relinquish the name of Seymour and 
adopt that of Percy instead.f The Lady Elizabeth, how- 
ever, was far too sensible a woman to make him adhere 
to this disagreeable obligation, which had been chiefly 
insisted on by her ambitious grandmother, and released 
him from it as soon as she came of age and was able 
legally to do so. 

The Lady Elizabeth Percy was born on the 26th of 
January, 1667, and in 1671 had, as the only surviving child 
of the last Earl of Northumberland, inherited the whole 
of the estates of the house of Percy, which included the 
Baronies of Percy, Lucy, Poynings, Fitz-Payne, Bryan, 
and Latimer. She had been carefully brought up by her 
grandmother, who was determined to arrange her marriage 
as she thought best without in any way consulting her 
granddaughter's predilections. Thus it came about that, 
in 1679, Charles IPs proposal of the Duke of Richmond 
as her husband was refused, and Lady Elizabeth was 
formally and legally contracted to a sickly boy, Henry, 
Earl of Ogle, the heir apparent to the Dukedom of New- 
castle. J This youth was made to take the name of Percy, 
and was immediately after the ceremony of the betrothal, 
sent abroad to travel until such time as he and his bride 
should have arrived at an age when the marriage might be 
consummated. Scarcely a year had passed, however, when 
this boy died, upon which Lady Elizabeth's grandmother 

* Kit Cat Club. 

t Craik's Romance of the Peerage. 
t Collins, ii, 469. 



at once set about finding another match for her, her 
choice this time falling upon Mr. Thynne of Longleat, in 
Wilts, one of the richest commoners in England, who, on 
account of his wealth, was nicknamed " Tom of Ten 
Thousand/'* and was the man that Dryden introduced as 
" wise Issachar, his wealthy western friend," in his 
description of the Duke of Monmouth, in his Absalom 
and Achitophel. 

The Lady Elizabeth was now nearly 15, but, though 
she consented under her grandmother's pressure to go 
through the form of marriage, nothing could induce her 
to consummate the act,* and immediately after the cere- 
mony she fled to Lady Temple at The Hague, where it 
was soon after arranged she was to remain unmolested for 
a year. Soon after her arrival she appears to have again 
met the young Count Konigsmark, who had previously 
paid her a great deal of attention in England and had 
been looked upon as a suitor for her hand. Whether 
she in any way encouraged his addresses or not does 
not appear ; but the Count certainly seems to have 
imagined that were she free he would have but little 
further difficulty. There seemed but one important 
obstacle in his way — her husband. This obstacle was 
soon removed. Mr. Thynne was set upon one Sunday 
evening, February 12, 1682, when he was passing along 
Pall Mall, and murdered by three foreigners, who after 
their capture confessed that they had been hired to do the 
deed by Count Konigsmark. (Note 79.) 

Upon the news arriving that for the second time she 
had become a widow, the Lady Elizabeth returned at once 
to England, t and her grandmother once more set about 
searching for a suitable match. This time her choice fell 
upon Charles, Duke of Somerset, and, all parties being 
willing on this occasion, the marriage took place three 
months after the death of Mr. Thynne. 

* Crailc's Romance of the Peerage, 320, iv. 

t The Domestic Intelligencer, 1682, Feb. 15, 23, March 23. 



By this alliance the Duke of Somerset became a very 
wealthy man, for, in addition to the property already 
mentioned, he became possessed of Petworth House, 
Alnwick Castle, and Northampton House, which he re- 
named Northumberland House. The latter was situated 
in the Strand district, and was only pulled down in recent 
years to make way for Northumberland Avenue. 

His importance had now considerably increased, and he 

began to be looked upon with favour at Court. 
1683. The year after his marriage he was made a Gentle- 
£~ man of the Bedchamber, and the following spring 
^' (April 8) was made a Knight of the Garter. # On 
1685. the death of Charles (February 6), whose funeral 

he attended as second mourner, he was one of the 
Privy Councillors who signed the proclamation of James II, 
who, shortly after his accession, made him a Lord of the 
Bedchamber. f On the 2nd of August he was given the 
command of a regiment of Dragoons, then called the 
Queen's, but which later became the 3rd Hussars, which 
was employed in suppressing the insurrection of the Duke 
of Monmouth, and for the same purpose he raised the 
militia of Somersetshire. J 

Charles was now apparently in great favour, and might 

have become conspicuous at the Court of James II, 
1687. but that he preferred his principles to his chances of 

advancement. In July of this year the King de- 
termined to give an official and public reception at Windsor 
to the Papal Nuncio, Ferdinand Adda, Archbishop of 
Amasia, and the duty of introducing the Pope's delegate fell 
to the Duke of Somerset as First Lord of the Bedchamber. 
This duty, it appears, involved breaking the law of the 
land as it then stood, and Somerset resolutely refused to 
be a party to such a proceeding.^ In vain his friends 
pleaded with him, pointing out how the loss of the royal 

* Lodge. 

t Kit Cat Club. 

t Lodge. 

§ Burnet's Hist, of his Own Time. 

From an old print. 



favour would ruin his career. Somerset stood firm. The 
King himself expostulated with him, saying, " I thought, 
my Lord, that I was doing you a great honour in appoint- 
ing you to escort the minister of the first of all crowned 
heads." The Duke replied, " Sir, I am advised that I 
cannot obey your Majesty without breaking the law." 
" I will make you fear me as well as the law," said the 
King, now in a towering rage ; " do you not know that I 
am above the law"? "Your Majesty," answered the 
Duke, " may be above the law, but I am not, and while I 
obey the law I fear nothing." At the time of this episode 
the Duke was but 25 years of age, and his firmness and 
spirit were greatly liked by the people, in whose estima- 
tion he was thenceforth raised on high. The King, how- 
ever, never forgave him, and he was immediately deprived 
of his place at Court and of the command of his regiment, 
and during the next few months he was removed from the 
Lord Lieutenancy of the East Riding of Yorkshire. 

The staunch feelings of the Duke in regard to religion 

had made him view James's leanings towards the 
1688. Catholics with considerable suspicion, and when 

matters came to a crisis and the Prince of Orange 
was invited to come over and give his assistance to the 
Protestant Church, Somerset was one of the first noble- 
men to join him.* Like many others, however, he does 
not seem to have ever intended that the Crown should be 
given to William of Orange, but only that James's govern- 
ment should be put an end to, and that, if the latter would 
not conform to the laws of the country and to the oath he 
had sworn at his coronation, that it should be given to 
the Princess, so that the succession should still descend 
in the right course. As a result of this feeling, he was 
always looked upon coldly by William, although, once the 
matter had been settled, he took the oath of allegiance 
and expressed his readiness to conform to the new go- 
vernment ; indeed, so far did he show his willingness to 
enter into the new order of things, that he carried the 

* Kit Cat Club. 



Queen's sword at the coronation, and not long after 
entertained William at his house at Marlborough, on the 
latter' s journey to and from Ireland. 

In 1689 he was elected Chancellor of the University of 
£~ Cambridge,* and, in the following year, succeeded 
Lord Halifax as Speaker of the House of Lords. 
1690. Although disliked by William he gained the favour 
of the Princess Anne, with whom the Duchess 
became on friendly and intimate terms, and on one occa- 
sion was able to render her a slight service ; for, 
1692. when the Princess was ejected from the cockpit in 
April, 1692, he received her at Sion House and 
made her welcome, in spite of the order forbidding any- 
one to countenance her.f 

In 1 701, Somerset became President of the Council, 
and was further appointed one of the Lords of the 

1 70 1. R e g enC y during the King's absence on his last 

1702. visit to Holland. The year following he was 
made Master of the Horse, an appointment which 

he held for some years, and, on Queen Anne's accession, 
he became a Privy Councillor. In 1703, when 

1703. the Archduke of Austria was proclaimed King of 
Spain at Vienna, and was journeying to his new 

kingdom via Holland and the Channel, Somerset was 
detailed by the Queen to receive him at Portsmouth and 
escort him to Windsor. A magnificent reception was 
r prepared on this occasion, and the Duke took a 
' * very prominent part in it. In 1706 he was made 
one of the Commissioners for the union with Scotland. 

By attaching himself to no party, the Duke had no 
serious political foes for some time, and continued to 
enjoy his places and the Queen's favour. Although he 
does not appear to have fully approved of Marlborough's 
Government, he supported him during the Mini- 
1708. sterial crisis of February, 17084 Matters, how- 

* Kit Cat Club. 

t London Gazette, 2758. 

X Lodge. 



ever, not turning out to his satisfaction he threw in his 
lot with the Tories, by whom, however, his assistance 
does not appear to have been appreciated or desired, if 
we are to judge by the manner in which St. John and 
others tried to oust him from his place in the Council. 
In 1 71 2 (January) he was suddenly deprived of the 

Mastership of the Horse and of his place at the 
1 7 12. Council Board, on its being reported to the 

Queen that, in his zeal for the Protestant succes- 
sion in the House of Brunswick, he had entered into a 
secret correspondence with the Elector of Hanover. 
There appears to have been no harm or disloyalty in 
this correspondence, but the Queen was particularly 
touchy on such matters, and never quite forgave him 
for what she looked upon as needless interference in her 

Although out of favour himself, his Duchess did not 
lose any of her influence over the Queen, and retained 
her position at Court as Groom of the Stole and first 
Lady of the Bedchamber, in which appointments she had 
succeeded the Duchess of Marlborough, and no efforts of 
her enemies were able to remove her. The Duchess 
continued to use her influence, which was chiefly directed 
towards persuading the Queen of her duty of securing 
the Protestant succession. Her efforts in this, direction 
having soon been noticed, the floodgates of party viru- 
lence were at once opened upon her, though without 
effect. Swift, in his " Windsor prophecy," poured forth 
the grossest and most vulgar abuse upon her, and went 
so far as to accuse her of having murdered her first 
husband. The whole poem was so grossly violent and 
the accusation so untrue that his friends persuaded him to 
withdraw the publication, but his repentance came too 
late. Copies had already been issued in some quantity, 
and he had to bear the fruits of his indiscretion. The 
Queen and the Duchess were greatly annoyed and, in 
revenge, carefully excluded him from any higher Church 
preferment, upon which, knowing whom he had to thank 



for the loss of an expected Bishopric, Swift continued to 
pour forth his abuse in his poems # : (Note 80.) 

" Now angry Somerset her vengeance vows 
On Swift's reproaches for her murder'd spouse : 
From her red locks her mouth with venom fills, 
And thence into the royal ear distils." 

When Queen Anne's recovery was despaired of, 
Somerset succeeded in disconcerting the schemes 
1 7 14. of some of the other Councillors, with regard to 
the succession, by suddenly appearing at the 
Council Board (where he had not appeared for three 
years) at Kensington, to which he had not been sum- 
moned, and, with the support of Shrewsbury, Somers, 
and Argyll, taking the steps necessary to ensure the 
peaceful succession of George I. " But for the Duke 
of Somerset (acting with Shrewsbury and Argyll) the 
Council which met upon Queen Anne's death might, and 
probably would, have recalled the Stuarts ; but no man 
not at once Duke and Seymour, if unconnected with the 
Cabinet, would have pushed uninvited into a Cabinet 
Council, and compelled the members to make instant 
choice between their safety and their predilections. This 
act of impudent patriotism saved the Protestant succes- 
sion, and those who grudge the pride of the Seymours 
may remember with advantage the incident in which it 
was most conspicuously shown. "f 

Upon the death of Queen Anne, August 1, the Duke's 
name was placed second in a list of 19 Peers whom 
George I had, by a previous deed, added to the seven 
great officers of state, as Guardians of the Realm until his 
arrival. The Duke concurred in every step necessary for 
the tranquillity of the country, and was employed with 
Shrewsbury and Cowper in receiving the Seals from Lord 
Bolingbroke and closing up the doors of his office.^ 

* Forster's Life of Swift; also Sheridan. 

t The Great Governing Families of England, by Sanford and 

t Kit Cat Club. 



When King George landed at Greenwich, Septem- 
ber 1 8, the Duke was nominated one of the new Privy 
Council and, September 27, was restored to his place as 
Master of the Horse. He now found himself once more 
in considerable favour with his Sovereign and in a posi- 
tion where it was possible for him to acquire great 
influence and power ; but, for the third time, his principles 
and pride caused him to quarrel with his King and to 
retire from the Court. Two years after the accession of 
George, Sir William Wyndham, Somerset's son-in-law, 
was accused of having entered into a treasonable corre- 
spondence with the Pretender, and a warrant was issued 
for his arrest. Hearing of this in time, Wyndham went 
into hiding, and Somerset applied on his behalf, to the 
King, asking that Sir William should not be confined but 
be admitted to bail, should he voluntarily surrender him- 
self. As there seemed no immediate prospect of effecting 
the arrest, the King willingly pledged his word to that 
effect, but no sooner had Sir William delivered himself 
up, than he was at once confined to the Tower, and 
all applications for bail were refused. Highly incensed 
at this dishonourable breaking of the King's pledge, 
Somerset expressed his indignation in no measured terms, 
for which he would have been dismissed from the 
Mastership of the Horse, had he not anticipated the 
King's intention by resigning his appointment in the most 
offensive manner he could think of. On October 25 he 
paraded his servants outside Northumberland House, 
dressed in the family livery in place of the royal one, and, 
sending for a common dust-cart, caused all the badges of 
his office to be thrown into it. Then, marshalling his 
men around the cart, he proceeded in great order to the 
courtyard of St. James's Palace, where, his retinue having 
formed up on either side of the cart, he gave the com- 
mand " to shoot the rubbish," upon which all the royal 
liveries and his badges of office were turned out into the 
mud, a fitting place he considered for the property of a 
monarch who could not keep his pledged word. This 

2 3 8 


done, he marched slowly back to Northumberland House 
in the same order.** 

After this, the Duke would never again accept any 
office at Court, even though, in June, 1747, George II 
nominated him one of the Privy Council.* Henceforth 
he resided quietly in his own home, chiefly at Petworth, 
and devoted himself to the management of his estates. 

His first wife, Elizabeth Percy, had died in 1723, and 
the titles of Northumberland and Percy were practically 
extinct. It will be remembered that Somerset had, on his 
marriage, agreed to take the name of Percy, but had 
afterwards been released from this obligation. He desired, 
however, to retain the Northumberland honours in his 
family, as having married the last of the Percyes, but only 
on condition that they should remain secondary to the 
name of Seymour. The following letters, from the 
originals at Stover, show his feelings on the subject, and 
are not without interest. They are all addressed to 
Serjeant (Sir Thomas, afterwards Lord Chief Justice) 
Pengelly : — f 


January 8, 1723. 


On this unfortunate occasion of the death of my poor wife, she 
being possessed of several Baronies in right of her family and also 
in King Charles I reign in right of a then writ of summons to 
call her grandfather to the House of Lords, in his father's lifetime, 
and he being then placed next to the Lord Audley but as the third 
Baron, there arose a dispute he claiming place as the first Baron in 
England. The House, February 5, 1628, referred it to the Com- 
mittee for privileges, as appears by the Journal, but the sudden 
dissolution of that Parliament prevented the Committee making 
their report, and by consequence, the resolution of the House upon 
it ; and there being twelve years before another Parliament met, 
her great grandfather died, so that her grandfather became Earl of 
Northumberland. That and the troubles which began early in 

* Kit Cat Club. 

t This gentleman assisted the Duke greatly in his legal affairs. 
Many of the Duke's letters to him are in the possession of the 
author at Stover, Devon. 


2 39 

that Parliament 1 640 prevented the determination of the Prece- 
dency, and these Baronys not having had any opportunity until 
this melancholy occasion to attest its rightful demand I sent 
Cockell last week to Syon and to London to search for materials to 
support the right of my children, and also to speak to Mr. Anstis 
upon it, and then to lay all these things before you, to receive your 
orders in what farther he is to do in case we are deficient in any 
one thing, which I think we cannot well be, if he hath done 
according to my directions, when you have seen and considered all 
we can produce to support the Precedency. I shall desire to have 
vour opinion whether as the case now is, that these five Baronys 
have been so long dormant I ought not to insist to have them all 
inserted in this first writ of summons to call Lord Hertford up to 
the House of Lords. I have no mind that he shall demand his 
writ until all these matters are looked into and very well considered 
by you, whose judgment is very much valued and will have its 
weight with, your most humble servant, &c. 


January 17, 1723. 


I do return thanks for the very great care expressed in yours of 
the 1 2th, relating to the Baronys now in my son Hertford, and as 
I have all the reason in the world to depend on your judgment 
and advice in this and in everything else I do accept of it : and I 
have sent Cockell back with the state of the case you were pleased 
to deliver him, when he hath waited on you then he is to com- 
municate your directions to Mr. Anstis, the proper way for my 
son to demand his writ for the barony of Percv only, and to take 
the same place on the Baron's bench next to Lord Audley as his 
great grandfather Northumberland did before him ; after this 
Cockell is to go to Lord Hertford to acquaint him and all mv other 
children with it. I believe great care ought to be taken in 
entrusting the world with any farther intentions at present until I 
am something better able to enter into business. 

I am, etc. 


May 14, 1723. 


The conversation you mention to have had with my son Hert- 
ford, as to the title of Northumberland will deserve a farther 
consideration. Mr. Anstis will be a very proper person to be 
discoursed with upon it, for I shall hardly be brought to consent 



that the Duke of Somerset's eldest son shall bear the title of 
another family ; therefore, I shall propose to know what objection 
may be against a patent to create him Marquis of Hertford and 
Earl of Northumberland, but this earldom to be in the patent to 
him and to the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten. In 
failure of such, then to his sisters successively, and to their heirs of 
their bodies : or whether I can have it, having a superior title, to 
me and to the heirs of my body lawfully begotten, either of these 
ways the most feasible to secure the title of Northumberland in my 
family, etc. 


May 25, 1723. 


I am sorry to give you so much trouble in the affair you are 
pleased to mention in your letter of the 23rd on the title of Earl 
of Northumberland. My son having already spoke to the King 
upon it and His Majesty's answer hath most certainly secured that 
title going into another family for one year or two at least ; and 
as you write that Mr. Anstis hath cleared my questions concern- 
ing the creating my son, Marquis of Hertford ; in my lifetime ; I 
am confirmed in resolution never to give my consent to have my 
son take a patent on any other terms, than to be created Marquis of 
Hertford to him, and to the heirs male of his body lawfully 
begotten, and Earl of Northumberland to him and to the heirs 
male of his body lawfully begotten. In failure thereof, the earldom 
to descend to his two sisters successively and to their heirs of their 
bodies, and go on of course to their children. As my own paternal 
estate and that of their mothers will descend to them, it is not an 
unreasonable request when all things are rightly considered, with 
the services I have done the King before and since his accession to 
the crown, and the steadiness which my son hath at all times 
shown for His Majesty's service, and my birth and estate, etc., that 
I may plead a much better pretence, than many others who have 
had titles, and others asking every day. E. of Coningsby's 
earldom is to his daughters and other precedents may easily be 
found. Therefore since you have had a good deal of trouble in 
this affair, I desire to add one more, to communicate this letter to 
my son that he may ask the King for these two titles on these 
conditions. Neither are the titles to be separated, nor the succes- 
sion to the earldom to be varied one tittle. According to His 
Majesty he may then proceed to get or not to get a warrant 
signed, for if there is any hesitation in the King, let the whole fall 
until a more favourable opportunity do happen ; for I am utterly 
against his asking any of the ministers, to assist him in his request, 
for it is not a matter of that consequence. 

I am, etc. 

From am Old Print. 


2 4 I 

The Duke was fond of show, and, whenever possible, 
invariably attended all great public ceremonies. At the 
funeral of Charles II he was one of the supporters to 
Prince George of Denmark, the chief mourner. He 
carried the orb at the coronation of James II, and the 
Queen's crown at the coronation of William and Mary. 
At King William's funeral he was one of the supporters 
of the pall, whilst the Duchess walked as chief mourner. 
He carried the orb at the coronation of Queen Anne, at 
that of George I, and also at that of George II.* 

Some years previous to his death, the Duke retired 
from all public affairs to his seat at Petworth, in 
1748. Sussex, where he died December 2, 1748, and was 
buried in Salisbury Cathedral.* In July, 1750, 
a very fine marble statue, representing him in the early 
period of his life, was executed by Rysbrack at the expense 
of two of his daughters, the Marchioness of Granby and 
Lady Guernsey.* It was raised on a square pedestal and 
habited after the manner of Vandyck, with ensigns of the 
Garter, in the Senate House of the University of Cam- 
bridge ; he is represented leaning on his left arm and 
holding a roll in his hand. (Note 81.) 

" The Duke was of middle stature and well formed ; 
his complexion was dark and his countenance expressive. 
He had a good flow of words generally at his command ; 
but, owing to an impediment in his speech, appeared to 
considerable disadvantage in the company of strangers. 
His judgment was, for the most part, correct, and his 
acquaintance with the sister arts, music and poetry, by no 
means superficial."* His principal feeling seems to have 
been an unbounded pride, founded upon his high birth 
and expectations, which often influenced his conduct to 
the prejudice of all the better qualities of his heart. His 
rank entitled him to take precedence on most occasions, 
when he developed as much loftiness of demeanour as if 
he had been invested with regal honours. Like a Turkish 

* Kit Cat Club. 




Bashaw, he made his servants acquainted with his wishes 
by signs. The country roads through which he travelled 
were often cleared by avant couriers before his approach, 
so that he might pass without obstruction or observation. 
" Get out of the way," cried one of his servants one day 
to a man leading a pig by the roadside. " Why ? " said 
the fellow. " Because my Lord Duke is coming, and he 
does not like to be looked at," rejoined the servant. 
"But I will see him, and my pig shall see him too," 
exclaimed the enraged yokel, and he held the pig up by 
the ears till the Duke and his retinue had passed by. # 

Some remarkable anecdotes illustrating his intolerable 
pride are told on various authorities. His second Duchess 
once tapped him familiarly on the shoulder with her fan, 
when he turned round, in great displeasure, and observed, 
" My first wife was a Percy, yet she never took such a 
liberty."* His children were taught to obey his injunc- 
tions with the most profound respect. The two younger 
daughters were accustomed to stand and watch him alter- 
nately whilst he slept in the afternoons. On one occasion, 
it being very hot and feeling very tired, the Lady Char- 
lotte sat down. The Duke by chance suddenly woke, and 
expressing his surprise and displeasure at her disobedience, 
declared he would remember it in his will. He left Lady 
Charlotte ^20,000 less than her sister. # 

On another occasion he sent for a celebrated painter, 
James Seymour, to take the portraits of some of his race- 
horses, and at dinner one day drank to him, saying, 
" Cousin Seymour, your health." The artist replied, 
" My Lord, I really do believe that I have the honour of 
being of your Grace's family." Highly offended, the 
Duke rose from the table and told his steward to pay the 
painter and dismiss him. Another artist was then sent 
for, but finding himself incapable of completing the pic- 
tures in the same style, he had the honesty to acknowledge 
his incapacity to the Duke, and humbly advised him to 

* Kit Cat Club. 


From a portrait at Fttwortk, by kind permission of t lie late Lord Leeon field. 



recall Seymour. This the Duke eventually did, but the 
artist replied, " My Lord, I will now prove myself one of 
your Grace's family, for I won't come."* 

Sir James Delaval once laid a wager of £1,000 that he 
would make the Duke give him precedence. The latter 
was so touchy on such matters that it was considered 
impossible. Delaval, however, finding out the precise 
time at which the Duke must enter a narrow lane on his 
way to town, stationed himself there in a coach emblazoned 
with the arms of Howard, and a number of servants in 
like livery, who called out when the Duke approached, 
" Way, way, for the Duke of Norfolk." Somerset, 
though he always expected his due, was also very par- 
ticular in regard to that of others, and knowing it would 
be a breach of etiquette for him to take precedence of the 
Duke of Norfolk, naturally caused his men to draw aside, 
leaving the way clear to Delaval. This stupid joke, which 
passed for wit at that time, was much talked about.* 

The Duke was a member of the Kit Cat Club and one 
of its chief supporters. (Note 82.) His first wife was, 
as we have already seen, a daughter of the last Percy, Earl 
of Northumberland. She is said to have been one of the 
best bred, as well as the best born lady in England. Her 
wealth was immense. Burnet tells us : " She maintained 
her dignity at Court with great respect to the Queen and 
sincerity to all others. She was by much the greatest 
favourite when the Queen died, and it would have con- 
tinued, for she thought herself justified in her favour to 
her when she was ashamed of it elsewhere. Not long 
before the Queen died, she told me she designed to 
leave some of her jewels to the Queen of Sicily (who 
was the only relation I ever heard her speak of with 
much tenderness), and the rest to the Duchess of Somerset, 
as the fittest person to wear them after her."f 

The Duke's children by her were — 

* Kit Cat Club. 

t Burnet's Hist, of his Own Time. 

R 2 


Algernon Seymour, seventh Duke of Somerset, of 
whom we must speak later. 

Lord Percy Seymour, born June 3, 1686, who 
served in Parliament for the borough of Cocker- 
mouth, in Cumberland, and died unmarried, July 4, 

Lord Charles Seymour, born in 1688, who died un- 
married January 4, 1 7 1 1 . 

Lady Elizabeth Seymour, who married Henry 
O'Brien, Earl of Thomond, in Ireland, and died 
without issue. 

Lady Catharine Seymour, who, in 1708, married Sir 
William Wyndham, Bart., of Somersetshire, and 
by him was mother to the Earl of Egremont. 
She died 17 13. 

Lady Frances Seymour, who died unmarried, May 10, 

Lady Anne Seymour, who married Peregrine Osborne, 
Marquis of Carmarthen, and afterwards Duke of 
Leeds. She died November 27, 1722. 

The Duke's second wife was Charlotte, daughter of 
Daniel, Earl of Winchelsea, whom he married February 4, 
1725, nearly three years after the death of his first wife, 
who died November 23, 1722. She bore him the follow- 
ing children : — 

Lady Frances Seymour, born July 8, 1728, who 
married John Manners, commonly called Marquis 
of Granby, eldest son of the Duke of Rutland, on 
September 3, 1750. She died January 25, 1760. 

Lady Charlotte Seymour, born September 21, 1736, 
who married Heneage, afterwards Earl of Aylesford, 
October 6, 1750. 

[Particulars of Charles, Duke of Somerset's life, are to be found 
in the following works : — Memoirs of the Kit Cat Club ; 
Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Boyer's Reign of Queen Anne ; Wyon's 
History of Queen Anne ; Craik's Romance of the Peerage ; 



Reresby's Diary ; Evelyn's Diary ; Burnet's Hist, of his Own 
Time ; Collins's Peerage ; G. E. C. Peerage ; Macaulay's 
Hist, j Lodge's Portraits of Illustrious Persons ; Lingard's 
Hist, of England ; Jesses' Court of England ; The London 
Gazette, 2758; Luttrel's Brief Historical Narration; Aungier's 
S yon Monastery ; Forster's Life of Swift; Swift's Works, ed. 
Scott ; The Great Governing Families of England, by San- 
ford and Townsend ; De Fonblanque's House of Percy ; 
Dryden's Works ; Burke's Romance of the Peerage ; Went- 
worth's Journal ; Walpole's Correspondence ; London, Past 
and Present, by Wheatley and Cunningham, &c] 




Algernon Seymour was born November 11, 1684,* 
and was apparently educated at Trinity College, 
1684. Cambridge. Before arriving at full age he was 
returned to Parliament as member for Marl- 

1705. borough, June 14, 1705. This was the last 
English Parliament before the union with Scotland 

in 1707, and became, in that year, the first Parliament of 
Great Britain. t 

January 25, 1706, he was appointed Lord Lieutenant 
and Custos Rotulorum of the county of Sussex. 

1 706. The comparative peace and quiet of a parliament- 
ary life did not, however, suit his taste, and he 

longed for a sphere of greater personal activity. This 
inclination led him to make a trial of the military 
1708. profession and, in May, 1708, he joined Marl- 
borough's army at Brussels as a volunteer, and 
served in that capacity throughout the campaign in 
Flanders, during which he was present at the taking of 
Lille and the battle of Oudenarde, and distinguished 
himself so far as to be chosen as bearer of Marlborough's 
despatches^ announcing his victory to the Queen, by 
whom he was received with great distinction. f We read 
in the Gazette of that time : " St. James's, November 26. 
This afternoon the Right Honble. the Earl of Hertford 
arrived here express from his Grace the Duke of Marl- 
borough, to Her Majesty, with an account that his Grace 
had passed the Scheld, and relieved the town of Brussels, 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 
t Collins's Peerage. 

From <i Picture at Fetworth t by kind permission of ihj hit: Lord Ltcott/Sold. 


From a portrait at Stover, in the possession of H. St. Maur, Esqr. 



which was besieged by the late Elector of Bavaria. His 
lordship was received by the Queen with great dis- 

The experiences he had undergone confirmed Hertford 

in his taste for the military profession and, early 
1 709. in the following year, he accepted a commission as 

Colonel of the 15th Foot, and again joined Marl- 
borough's army. During the next few months he served 
with diligence in that army, and took part in the capture 
of Tournay, the battle of Malplaquet, and the fall of 
Mons, which closed that campaign. The next year he 
served again under Marlborough, and afterwards took part 
in every campaign down to the peace of Utrecht in 171 3.* 
The peace once ratified he returned to England, and 
shortly after married Frances, eldest daughter and coheir 
of Henry Thynne, only son and heir of Thomas, first 
Viscount Weymouth. This marriage did not, however, 
tempt him to forsake the profession in which he had 
already distinguished himself. His former services were 

rewarded with the Governorship of Tynemouth 
17 1 5. Castle and Clifford Fort and, in 171 5, he received 

a further mark of favour in being appointed 
Captain and Colonel of the 2nd troop of Horse Guards, 
and, on the accession of George I, he was made Lord of 
the Bedchamber to the Prince of Wales.* 

The country being at peace and the duties of his com- 
mand not affording a sufficient scope for his energy, he 
now again entered the arena of politics and served, during 
the next few years, as member for Marlborough and for 
the county or Northumberland. 

On the death of his mother in 1722, when his father, 

as we have already seen, put forward a claim to the 
1722. honours of the House of Percy, he prematurely 

and therefore wrongly assumed the title of Baron 
Percy,f but relinquished it as soon as his mistake was 
made clear to him. His mother being the last of the 

* Collins's Peerage, 
t G. E. C. Peerage. 



Percys, it had been expected that he would succeed to 
her Baronies of Percy, Lucy, Poynings, Fitz-Payne, Bryan, 
and Latimer, and his father was at some pains to get him 
called to the House of Lords as Marquis of Hertford, 
Earl of Northumberland, and Baron Percy, but, owing to 
the many difficulties placed in his way, the matter 
remained in abeyance for the time. 

In 1726 he was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Wilt- 
I72 £ shire ; the year following he was made Brigadier- 
' ' General and, in 1735, Major-General of the Horse. 
1 737- On September 26, 1737, he was appointed 
Governor of Minorca. # 
During most of his life he seems to have suffered from 
frequent attacks of gout, which grew worse as he got 
older and which, during the whole of the next year, kept 
him confined to his residence at St. Leonard's Hill.f 
Lady Hertford in many of her letters mentions the 
solitary life she led there, but without complaining of it> 
for being a clever woman she found plenty resources in 
reading and working and relaxation in riding, of which 
she appears to have been very fond. 

In 1739, Lord Hertford was made Lieutenant-General 
of the Horse and, during this year, resided chiefly 
' ™' at the family seat at Marlborough, the beautiful 
gardens of which Lady Hertford speaks of with delight in 
her letters to Lady Pomfret.J 

On May 6, 1740, Lord Hertford was appointed 
Colonel of the royal regiment of Horse Guards 
and, March 13, 1742, was made Governor of the 
1742. Island of Guernsey.* He does not appear, how- 
ever, to have taken up his residence there, for, 
during this year, he rented a place called Richking's Park, 
situated a little north of Colnbrook, from Lord Bathurst. 
Lady Hertford was so pleased with the beautiful scenery 

* Collins's Peerage. 

t Correspondence of the Seymours, MS. (St. Leonard's Hill 
was about two miles from Windsor.) 
X Corresp. of the Seymours, MS. 

From a portrait at Stover, in the possession of II. St. Mamr, Ji^/i 



on this estate that she persuaded her husband to purchase 
it. In her letters to her friend Lady Pomfret, she 
describes the house as standing in a small park of about a 
mile and a-half round, laid out in the French style, inter- 
spersed with pretty woods and lawns. In the park was a 
small but deep lake supplied by a pretty stream, and in 
one of the woods was a cave, from the back of which 
gushed a spring which fell into a basin, from which again 
it overflowed and poured along a channel cut in the 
pavement. The entrance was overhung with periwinkle, 
and the top shaded with beeches, huge elms, and birch. 
Dispersed over the park were covered benches, seats 
under shady trees, and little arbours interwoven with 
lilacs, woodbines, syringa, and laurel.* 

In December, 1748, Lord Hertford succeeded his 
i g father as Duke of Somerset, and, on the 24th of 
' March following, he was made General of the 
1749. Horse. It was now proposed that he should be 
granted the honours of the House of Percy which 
he had been unable to obtain upon his mother's death, 
but he does not appear to have been so anxious now as 
formerly for, in 1744, he had suffered a bitter blow by 
the loss of his only son, a lad of great promise, and there 
remained but daughters to succeed him. On their behalf, 
however, he made an application to the Crown with the 
result that, on October 2, he procured a new patent of 
creation as Baron and Earl of the kingdom of Great 
Britain, by the name, style, and title of Baron Warkworth 
of Warkworth Castle, in Northumberland, and Earl of 
Northumberland ; to hold the same to him, and the heirs 
male of his body, and in default of such issue to Sir Hugh 
Smithson, bart, of Stanwick, in York, his son-in-law, and 
to his heirs by the Lady Elizabeth, his daughter ; and, in 
default of such issue, the dignities of Baroness Wark- 
worth and Countess of Northumberland to that lady, and 
the Barony and Earldom to her heirs male.f At the 

* Corresp. of the Seymours, MS. 
t See original patent. 


same time, October 3, he received a grant, by letters 
patent, of the dignities of Earl of Egremont and Baron 
Cockermouth of Cockermouth Castle, in Cumberland, 
with remainder to Sir Charles Wyndham, the eldest son 
of his sister, Lady Catharine Seymour ; and in default to 
Percy Wyndham O'Brien, of Shotgrove, in Essex (after- 
wards Earl of Thomond), and to the heirs male of his 

The Duke of Somerset was a man of many and great 
accomplishments and might have made a much greater 
figure in history, but that he was of a weak constitution, 
which had become seriously impaired by the hardships of 
the campaigns he had gone through in his younger days, 
as a result of which he was for some time almost an 
invalid. Though his preference had run towards a 
military career, in which he had made his mark, he did 
not confine himself to that alone. He was an active and 
steady member of Parliament, and took considerable 
interest in the work and discoveries of men of science. 
About the year 1 749 he was chosen as President of the 
Society of Antiquaries, f 

He only survived his father two years, dying on 
February 17, 1750. By his wife, Frances Thynne, 
1 75°* w ho survived him, he had two children — 

George Seymour, Lord Beauchamp, born Septem- 
ber 11, 1725, who died of small-pox at Bologna, in 
Italy, on his 19th birthday, 1744. His godfathers 
had been George I and Henry, Earl of Thomond, 
and Queen Caroline (then Princess of Wales) had 
been his godmother. The following account is 
given of his character : " This young nobleman 
was so amiable in his person, and of so sweet a 
disposition, as endeared him to all that had the 
honour to know him ; and, in the little time he 
lived, showed an excellent turn of thought, far 

* See original patent, 
t Butler's Collections. 

From a picture at Stover, ///<■ property of II. St. Maur, Esqr, 

From an old print. 


above his years, and a behaviour, in all respects, 
that could not fail of rendering him an orna- 
ment to his country, and a shining example to 

Elizabeth Seymour, who married Sir Hugh Smith- 
son, bart, who became Earl of Northumberland 
in July, 1740. She was given Sion House by her 
father, and enlarged and beautified it considerably. 

The Duke and Duchess, together with Lord Beau- 
champ, were buried at Westminster Abbey, in St. Nicholas 

The Duchess was a great friend of Mrs. Elizabeth 
Rowe, whom she persuaded, in 1736, to add two books 
to the History of Joseph, which she had been prevailed 
upon to publish. After the loss of both her husband and 
son, she had recourse to the solace of religion. (Note 83.) 
Her drawing-room was converted into a chapel, and she 
expressed herself resigned to the Divine will. The Duke 
had left her the house near Colnbrook, of which she was 
so fond, and which had been re-named Percy Lodge.J 
Here she passed her time in the greatest tranquillity, sur- 
rounded only by her oldest servants and seeing but a few 
selected friends, her chapel and library almost sharing her 
day. She was greatly attached to the children of her 
daughter, especially of the boy, on account of his strong 
resemblance to his uncle.§ 

She corresponded constantly with Lady Luxborough, 
and occasionally with Mr. Shenstone. The latter, with 
Mr. Graves, of Claverton, and Mr. Whistler, of Whit- 
church, formed a little triumvirate which considered most 
matters of taste as their special province ; in this they 
were joined by the Duchess, who was looked up to as an 
arbitress in such matters.f 

* Collins's Peerage. 

t Register of Westminster Abbey. 

t Hall's Collec. of Letters, 1, 186. 

§ Corresp. of the Seymours, MS. 

II Shenstone's Work's, 3, 262 ; Select Letters, 1, 186. 


In some of the stanzas of the " Rural Elegiacs," 
addressed by Shenstone to the Duchess, her taste and 
virtue are highly extolled, as indeed they were by others 
amongst the most eminent writers of the day. It seems 
that she desired to see the poem, and Lady Luxborough 
undertook to convey it to her, with a flattering letter 
from the poet. From some unaccountable delay, the 
Duchess did not receive it till long afterwards. She then 
wrote to Mr. Shenstone, acknowledging that she was 
much flattered, indeed, she said, a great deal too much ; 
but she expressed a wish to decline being named in the 
printed copy. Mr. Shenstone seems, however, to have 
misunderstood her letter and to have supposed that she 
wished the ode altogether suppressed. This the Duchess, 
in a letter to Lady Luxborough, strongly deprecated, 
saying that her only wish had been to decline celebrity for 

[Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Corresp. of the Seymours, MS. at Stover ; 
Hall's Select Letters ; Shenstone's Works ; Collins's Peerage ; 
G. E. C[ockayne's] Peerage ; Butler's Collections ; Marl- 
borough Despatches, ed. Murray ; Craik's Romance of the 
Peerage, &c] 

* Corresp. of the Seymours ; Hall's Select Letters, 1, 179, 184. 

For want of male issue the Dukedom of Somerset and 
Barony of Seymour now devolved upon Sir Edward 
Seymour, bart., the seventh in lineal descent from 
Edward, first Duke of Somerset, by his first wife, 
Catharine Fillol. We must, therefore, retrace our steps 
and, commencing with the Protector Somerset's sons by 
his first wife, trace the progeny of the elder branch down 
to the present time, when they have at last regained, by 
inheritance according to the Act of 1540, the honours 
that should have been theirs in the first instance. 


jolmwai.n, 01 B »'y P or ne,„ y ' 

William*- sevmourT^-.f' John Bm« n p ' n-n 



i Mii s ikt Cjiirtjy s.eymuu 

Francis Seymour, 'J'VjLi Henry in in"'". 1 
Eul ,,,J>l-<t»-' ,, l H ' '°. ' Alex. Seymour, f 
.11 nl lull ut V^riuoutllj <*• 79+' Jo |,„ Seymour, J 

in Edivaid Siunnur 
ban., of Berry 
Pomcroy, »/. 1 7+0, 

Popham, of Littlccol 

I Seyiuour.-r-Mary, only d, ol Frauds StymMtrT-? l ,™ b S!!i 

F°!i^;; ik,u " 

..Alexanders., W ,ll,., m Llnalie.h, d. of John Capper, of Wincanton. 1. Laelitia Seymour 

rf. 1731. Seymour, — Hippye, lunn, nun . ; M ir"ar c t Seymour 

..Helenas., of Knoylc. of Froine. Henry Hungcrfor.l, ol Fvricl.1. 3 Elizabeth Seymour' 

./.unmarried. William ScrORgs, ol Chute. 4- Anne Seymour. 

Kev. — Hammond. 5. Mary Seymour 

W. Colman, of Gornhey. 6. Jane Seymour 

J. Philips Fuhr. 7 . Catherine -e.n,.„ jr 

r.-r-Mary Anne, d. and William Frann. Seymour, Catherine, 

lieirofJ.lionnell.Esq., Seymour. DeanofWells. ot — Payn 
i-.: M nit. 111 Harcourt. 

• ■bald Henry Algernon Percy- 

noil Seymour, Bilk- Sty,,,™,, 
ike of Somerset, lath Duke of 

-Hora.ia Isabella Ceorge Spencer William Blount, of Orleton.— i . Charlotte Jane Seymour 

H>- ; '..."tji,lii, Ad,„|. In,, be, moot, z. Jane Anne Wilhelmina 

William Tollcmache. 

Lord Percy— r-Violet, 3rd d. of Lord Ernest Lord 

Seymour Luke White, Seymour Se, 

St. Maur). Baron Annaly. (St. Maur). (St. 

■Fmiemk lilt, 

Ulrica Frederica-r-Lord Henry 

Richard William Maaivcll St. Mam. Edward Ferdiiini 

Sir Ri, hard James Graham 
bart., ol Netliciln , /. ,s< rj 
Lady C,ntru., Duiu nmlie 
"1 the lit Earl of F eetr-lu,,', 

Frederick Percy S 

James R tg , na l d 

Vty. Florae. Ro2 
" Cane, Wood, 

} Margaret Frances. 

i"'.< olive,, „ .77: -1 

Wa,„„ "' ""jory, d' Alice Rachel, 

of Edward Worrnald 

John Fiecheville, *. ,g-- 





John Seymour was the Duke of Somerset's eldest son 
by his first marriage, and appears to have been looked 
upon with some dislike by his father, for he was specially 
cut out, by the Act of 1540, from any prospect of 
inheriting either his father's honours or estates, which 
were strictly limited upon the younger branch and, failing 
them, upon his younger brother. He was thus absolutely 

During the period of his father's first imprisonment he 
was returned member of Parliament for Reading, but 
he never sat in that Parliament, for Warwick and the 
Council v/ere too nervous to bear the thought of a 
Seymour being in the House of Commons at a period so 
critical to their designs, and so sent a peremptory order to 
the Sheriff for the election of some one else.* 

Up to that time he had led a very retired life, taking 
no part in either the military, political, or Court affairs of 
the period. We find him, however, on one occasion 
deputed to escort the Princess Elizabeth to Hatfield and 
see her safely lodged there, no very enviable task, espe- 
cially as his uncle, the Admiral, then at the zenith of his 
power, charged him with some very coarse messages to 
the Princess, which he does not appear to have de- 
livered, t 

At the time of his father's second arrest, Sir John 
Seymour was amongst those who were imprisoned in the 
Tower (October 16, 1551), where his name, " IHON 
SEYMOUR," till recently remained inscribed in large 

* Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 276. 
t Haynes, State Papers, Edward VI. 



letters on the wall of the Beauchamp or Cobham tower in 
the Tower of London.^ 

After his father's death he petitioned Parliament for his 
restoration to the lands that had belonged to his mother. 
(Note 84.) The Parliament, however, confirmed the Act 
of 1540, but (as the late Duke appeared to have sold 
much of the property that had come to him by his two 
wives) it ordered that full compensation should be made 
to their respective children out of the lands that still 
remained. This Act proceeded to settle all the Duke's 
property, most of which was to go to the King, and to 
deprive the children of all their titles, honours, dignities, 
and pre-eminences. It also confirmed the attainders 
against the Duke and those who had suffered with him.f 

The Marquis of Winchester, who was Master of the 
Wards and Liveries, was appointed to apportion the 
lands that were left amongst the Duke's children. He 
began by ascertaining the names and values of such 
estates (formerly the patrimony of Catharine Fillol) as 
had previously been sold. As a compensation for these 
he awarded (by a formal limitation) the manor of Maiden 
Bradley to Sir John Seymour, excepting all the lands in 
Yarnfield and in Baycliff, and, as this manor was deemed 
to be of more value than the properties in lieu of which it 
was given, the estimated difference was annually appointed 
to be paid to the Duke's children, by his second marriage, 
to whom it was secured and entailed with great care and 

Sir John Seymour was thus reinstated to a part of his 
father's former possessions. He did not, however, live 
to enjoy them, and appears to have remained a prisoner 
in the Tower and to have been ill for some considerable 
time before his death, which occurred December 19, 

* Bailey's Tower of London, p. 166. 

t Act 5th, 26 Edward VI, for limitation of the Duke of Somer- 
set's estates, 23-53. 

t Limitation of the Manor of Maiden Bradley to Sir John 
Seymour. — Papers, nth Duke of Somerset. 



1552.^ So little is known of his life that we have no 
direct information respecting his character, but the very 
absence of notoriety, together with the readiness which 
the King and Parliament, as well as his own relatives, 
showed in restoring him to wealth and dignity, shows 
that his former treatment must have been unjust and his 
father's dislike ill-founded. His will, which consists of 
but eleven lines, written with his own hand and during 
his illness, evinces benevolence, gratitude, and a great 
regard for his younger brother, notwithstanding that the 
latter had always been preferred before him, a fact that 
would have led to the greatest bitterness between most 

His first two bequests were to two women as a reward 
for their patience in nursing him, then followed some 
small legacies to his servants or followers, after which he 
left the leases of Bridgenorth, Chorley, and Hovington 
to one Richard Whiting. Finally he made his brother, 
Sir Edward Seymour the elder, his full executor and 
residuary legatee.f 

He was buried the 1 9th of December at the hospital of 
Savoy, # apparently with some pomp. 

[Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 276 ; Bailey's 
Tower of London, p. 166; Machyn's Diary; Haynes, 
State Papers, Edward VI ; Sir John Haywaras Life and 
Reign of King Edward VI, in Kennet, vol. ii, p. 321 ; Papers 
of Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.] 

* Machyn's Diary, pp. 10, 27, 326. 
t Papers, nth Duke of Somerset. 




Edward Seymour was born about the year 1529.* He 

was the second son of the Protector Somerset, by 
1529. his first wife, and appears to have been looked 

upon with greater favour than his elder brother 
John for, though he was cut off from the succession by 
his father, in the Act of 1 540, yet it was arranged by that 
Act that the honours of the Duke might revert to him in 
case of the failure of the younger branch. 

At the age of 1 8, his education having been completed, 

he accompanied his father during the latter's last 
1547. expedition into Scotland, and greatly distinguished 

himself at the battle of Musselburgh, where he 
took part in the mistaken charge of Lord Grey's horse, 
after the repulse of which, though badly wounded, he 
was of the greatest assistance in rallying the scattered 
cavalry and leading them back to a second and more 
successful attack. As a reward for his services during the 
campaign, he received the honour of knighthood at the 
hands of the Protector, t 

During the next few years he seems to have been in 
almost constant attendance on his father and, when the 
latter was at Hampton Court with the King and was 

endeavouring to raise a force to protect the King's 
I 55°* p erson from the Council, he was chosen as bearer 

of the letters sent to the Lords Russell and 
Herbert, who were returning from the west with an army, 
to entreat their assistance.* Soon after he was sent to 
the Tower with his father, but was released with the 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t JekyPs Cat. of Knights, MS. ; Froude. 



latter after some weeks' confinement. The next 

1 55 1. year, however, saw them both in the Tower again. 
This time they were not so fortunate as before. 

1552. The Duke only left his prison for the scaffold, in 
January, and Sir Edward appears to have re- 
mained a prisoner till the summer. 

The following year he succeeded to the Maiden Bradley 
and other estates left him by his brother, whose 

1553. full executor he was made by a will dated Decem- 
ber 7, 6th Edward VI, the probate of which bears 

date April 26, 1553.* What he received from his brother 
did not, however, constitute all his possessions, for he 
had previously been granted the reversion of a large 
house and estate in Somersetshire, the latter comprising 
a deer park and considerable other lands, which had 
formerly belonged to his father, and had since been 
granted to Humphrey Colles, Esq., by the King, for a 
term of 21 years. On February 20 of this year, Sir 
Edward granted a further term of 15 years to this same 
gentleman, f 

The Act of Attainder which had been passed was 
chiefly directed against the Duke and his heirs by his 
second wife, so that it did not strictly affect Sir Edward. 
But to set at rest all doubt upon the subject an Act was 
now passed, March 27, for his restitution in blood and 
for settling upon him the manor of Maiden Bradley and 
the surrounding property left him by his brother. This 
Act did not, however, restore to him any other posses- 
sions of his father's but, on the contrary, expressly reserved 
the whole of them to the King.| 

Sir Edward appears to have been looked upon with 
considerable favour by the King, for, in the early part of 
the summer, the latter granted to him the manor of 

* Collins's Peerage. 

t A lease to Humphrey Colles. — Papers, nth Duke of Somerset - y 
Blackstone, 2, 38. 

X Act for the restitution in blood of Sir E. Seymour. — Journ. 
House of Commons, 1, 26 ; Journ. House of Loras, 1, 440. 



Banwell, in Somerset, and entered into an arrangement 
which secured to him some other large properties. This 
transaction was very complicated and was not finally 
completed till the year 1558. It appears that on April 16, 
1553, Sir John Thynne sold to Sir Edward Seymour the 
manor of Sevenhampton (also called Sevyngton), his mills 
and lands in Kingswood, his lands in Mere, his lands in 
Henbury Saltmarsh, in Gloucester, his lands at Ciren- 
cester, his lands at Berkeley known as Okeley Park, and 
various other estates. On June 1, Sir Edward gave all 
this property to the King in exchange for the castle of 
Berry Pomeroy, the manors of Berry and Bridgetown 
Pomeroy, the advowson of the vicarage of Berry, the 
manor of Middleton (or Milton), and part of the posses- 
sions of the late Priory at Taunton. (Note 85.) This 
was confirmed by letters patent on June 10. Almost 
immediately afterwards Sir Edward disposed of a great 
portion of these properties in various ways. # On Sep- 
tember 6 of the same year he received a grant from the 
King, at Ely, of the lordships and manors of Walton, 
Shedder, and Stowey, the park of Stowey, and the 
hundred of Water-stock, with their appurtenances, in the 
county of Somerset, to him and his heirs for ever. These 
properties had been amongst those confiscated at his 
father's attainder, f 

The great changes that were made in the management 
of religious affairs, on the accession of Queen Mary, 
compelled the Seymours to retire into private life, and, 
during the whole of this reign, Sir Edward devoted himself 
to his private affairs. (Note 86.) Although the manner 
in which many belonging to his religion were now perse- 
cuted must have been very painful to him, he does not 
seem to have taken part in any of the rebellions that were 
planned at that time, although a certain amount of 
suspicion appears to have rested upon him, for, on the 

* Papers, nth Duke of Somerset; Risdon's Survey of Devon, 

t Strype's Memorials, u, 502. 


2 59 

occasion of Queen Elizabeth's coronation, we find his 
name mentioned, amongst others, of those who received 
a full pardon for what they had done.* 

The accession of Elizabeth does not appear to have been 
of any benefit to him beyond assuring him peace in 
1558. the exercise of the Protestant religion ; indeed, the 
only transaction of any kind he appears to have had 
with the Queen was in 1560, when she borrowed £100 
from him, which was to be repaid before Xmas. 1563. 
In return she gave him a promissory note which has not 
yet been redeemed. 

In 1 562, he married Jane, daughter of John Walsh, Esq., 
Serjeant-at-Law, and afterwards one of the Justices 
1562. of the Common Pleas, who gave him the lease of 
the rectory of Berry Pomeroy. This had formerly 
belonged to the Monastery of Merton, so celebrated for 
its statutes, but had been let for a term of 41 years in the 
reign of Henry VIII, and, after passing through several 
hands, had eventually come into the hands of Walsh. t 
On May 26, 1565, Sir Edward obtained exemplifica- 
tions of the two Acts which had been passed 
1565. for the restitution in blood of himself and his half- 
brother of the same name, now Earl of Hert- 
ford. By virtue of these Acts that nobleman might 
eventually have become the heir-at-law to Sir Edward, so 
they were to him the most interesting documents. t 

In 1583, Sir Edward was appointed Sheriff for the 
county of Devon,§ and appears to have held several 
1583. other offices in that county, such as Deputy 
Lieutenant and Justice of the Peace. He appears 
to have been diligent in the execution of his duties 
in the county and to have been accurate and diligent in 
making the returns required from time to time by the 
Council. From those that remain we find that, although 

* Rymer's Foedera, 15, 544, 558. 

t Papers coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 

% Exemplification of Acts. 

§ Collins's Peerage. 

S 2 



cut off from any of his father's honours, and by law but 
a simple knight, he was almost invariably styled Lord 
Edward Seymour, even in State documents. # This 
seems to show that his position evoked considerable 
sympathy, which was shown in thus addressing him by a 
higher title than he was legally entitled to. 

During the year 1584, we find an interesting return 

made by him and Sir John Gilberte, of all the 
1 584. demi-lances and light horse in four of the hundreds 

of Devon (September 30), and an Instrument of 
Association for Devon, signed and sealed by him, together 
with Sir John Gilberte, Sir Francis Drake, and many 
others, t (October.) 

On the approach of the Spanish Armada, Sir Edward 

was placed in command of a body of troops in 

1588. Devon, but when the alarm of an invasion was 
over these were disbanded. On August 26, 

1589. 1589, we find a curious letter from Gilberte and 
Cary, to the Council, in which they acknowledge 

the receipt of their order for safely bestowing the prisoners 
from a Spanish ship, brought in to Dartmouth, and for 
making an inventory of the ordnance, munition, &c, con- 
tained therein. They add that they had found 85 pipes 
of wine on board, but in such bad condition that they 
could make but 67 full pipes of the best of it, and with 
that the wines were indifferent and sour. They had 
ventured, they said, presuming on the Council's approval, 
to bestow one of these pipes on Lord Edward Seymour, 
as a slight return for his having been kind enough to 
cumber his house at Berry Pomeroy with all their Spanish 
prisoners until the ship was cleared, and that, but for him, 
they would not have known where to bestow them, f We 
may hope that either their verdict on the wine was wrong 
or that Sir Edward was not troubled with too delicate a 
palate, so that he may have appreciated this handsome 

* State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 
+ Laughton. 



From this time on Sir Edward continued to reside at 
Berry Pomeroy, and to spend both his time and his 
energy in improving both that and the Maiden Bradley 
estate. He lived to a good old age, dying 
1593. on May 6, 1593.* (Note 87.) He was buried 
at Berry Pomeroy. 

From the period in which he lived, an age of the 
greatest activity and enterprise, and distinguished as he 
was by extraordinary talents, he might have been expected 
to have become one of the most conspicuous of his family. 
But its peculiar circumstances were discouraging, and, 
though in early days he had acquired some military fame, 
the storm that ruined so many of his connections 
strongly inculcated a lesson which he was too prudent to 
forget. Accordingly, after the fall of his father, he retired 
altogether into private life, became immersed in business, 
and devoted himself to the aggrandisement of his family, 
which he purposed chiefly to effect by the increase of his 
property, over which he spared neither trouble nor 
money. In this pursuit he was greatly assisted by his 
father-in-law, Mr. Walsh, but his success must also be 
attributed to his own extraordinary diligence and sagacity. 

By his wife, Jane, he only had issue of one son — 

Edward Seymour, of whom we will speak next. 

[Papers of Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset ; 
Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Froude's Hist. ; Rymer's Foedera ; Black- 
stone ; Risdons Survey of Devon; Acts of Edward VI; 
State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth ; Journals, House of Lords ; 
Journals, House of Commons ; Collins's Peerage ; Laughton ; 
Strype's Memorials ; JekyPs MS. Catalogue of Knights, &c] 

* Collins's Peerage. 




Edward Seymour was born in 1562—3, and when but two 

or three years of age was betrothed by his father 
1563. to Elizabeth, the daughter of Sir Arthur Cham- 
rr pernowne, a near neighbour and an intimate friend 
5 * of his.* This family of Champernowne resided 
at what was then a magnificent old place, called Dartington 
Hall, situated but a few miles from Berry Pomeroy, and 
were of great antiquity as well as celebrated both in 
English and French history for their former chivalrous 
achievements, f 

The actual marriage between these children took place 

ten years afterwards.* Although this may appear 
1576. now to have been a ridiculously early age, there 

was, in those days, a strong reason for marrying 
children very young ; for, in the case of the father's 
decease, it was the custom for the lord or guardian to have 
the right of marrying his ward to whomsoever he chose, 
which frequently resulted in the ward being sold to the 
highest bidder, and many guardians cared little to whom 
they sold a child so long as the transaction was profitable 
to themselves. Once a child had been married, how- 
ever, it no longer ran this risk, and thus parents arranged 
marriages for their children, even when in the cradle, so 
as to insure their safety in case of their own death.| 

On June 19, 1583, though but just 20 years of age, 

Edward Seymour was appointed as Deputy Vice- 
1583. Admiral for the county of Devon by Mr. Hill, the 

then Vice-Admiral, who had been appointed to that 

* Seymour Papers, nth Duke of Somerset ; Collins's Peerage, 
t Intro, to Risdon's Survey of Devon, 18; Life of Sir vV. 
Raleigh, 1, 11. 

X filackstone's Commentaries, 2, 71 ; Aikin's Memoirs of 
Elizabeth, 2, 28. 



post by the Earl of Lincoln, High Admiral of England.* 
About the same time he was also made Sheriff of Devon, t 
and February 9, 1586, we find a letter from him to the 
Council, from which it appears that he had then been 
made Vice-Admiral of Cornwall.^ 

On the death of his father, in 1593, he succeeded to all 

his estates which, through the latter's care and 
1593. good management, had become considerable. 

(Note 88.) He now began to engage himself 
very much in the affairs of the county, in doing which he 
was careful to act always under the directions of Lord 
Bath, the Lord Lieutenant of Devon, and a great friend 
of the Seymour family. On August 27 of this year, 
Mr. Seymour and Mr. Carey received copies of the Privy 
Council's letters from Lord Bath, in which it was ordered 
that they were henceforth to be specially employed in 
Her Majesty's service on the coast of Devon. They 
were to confer together, at the earliest opportunity, as to 
the best means of appointing and disposing the bands 
and companies of trained and untrained men in their com- 
mand, and to make a return specifying the results of the 
distribution of their forces, which was, however, left 
almost entirely to their own discretion. § 

On October 28 of the following year, Mr. Seymour 
j received a special licence, under the Great Seal, 

- > -^' enabling him to enter upon all his father's lands. 
(Note 88a.) 

In 1595 he was again nominated Sheriff of Devon, || 
and was joined with Mr. George Carey in a com- 

1595. mission to take up, for the use of the royal 
household, certain provisions in the county of 

Devon. They were ordered to take these things at an 

* Mr. Hill's commission and indenture between him and Mr. 

t List of Sheriffs in Risdon's Survey of Devon. 
t State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth. 

§ Letters from Lord Bath to Mr. Seymour. — Family Corre- 

|| Collections for Devon, 101. 



appraised value in preference to all others, an exercise of 
the prerogative of purveyance, which existed at that time 
and indeed long afterwards. (Note 89.) 

During this year another attempt at invasion was made by 
the Spaniards and one of their fleets burnt off Penzance.* 
The Lord Lieutenant being absent, the Council sent their 
instructions for the defence of the coast direct to the 
Deputy Lieutenants and, in another letter, gave directions 
that Mr. George Carey, of Cockington, near Torquay, 
should have the command of all the bands near his house, 
for the defence of Torbay, and that Sir John Gilberte 
should command such as were near his dwelling at 
Greenland. Upon the latter's excusing himself, however, 
on the plea of indisposition, the command was given to 
Mr. Seymour on August 18. As a result of this, 
Seymour received a commission as Colonel from the Lord 
Lieutenant on September 5.! 

Colonel Seymour's regiment consisted of 1,600 able 
men, but of these only 916 appear to have been furnished 
with arms of any kind. (Note 90.) The office of a 
Colonel was then, however, very different to what it is 
now, as it carried with it a command over a certain 
district. Colonel Seymour's jurisdiction extended over 
eight hundreds of the south division of the county and 
reached from Dartmouth to Plymouth.^ 

In October, Colonel Seymour received permission from 
the Council, together with Gilberte and Carey, to requisi- 
tion all arms that they could find in the possession of 
ecclesiastical persons. As the clergy, for the most part, 
had always good stores of weapons secreted in their 
houses, Seymour and the others were, by this means, soon 
able to arm the greater part of their men.§ 

* Lives of the Admirals, I, 457. 

t Letters from the Lords of the Council to the Deputy Lieu- 
tenants. — Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 

X Letters from the Council, Lord Bath, and others. — Seymour 

§ Privy Council to Lord Bath. — Seymour Papers. 



In June, 1596, a disagreement arose between Colonel 
Seymour and Mr. Arthur Champernowne, whom 
1596. he had appointed as Captain in his regiment on 
October 27, of the previous year, on account of 
the latter's having written direct to the Council, com- 
plaining that his band of 200 men was not complete, 
several of them having been taken away to be trained, 
and asking their permission to replenish it by taking 
men from other places in the district commanded by 
Seymour, whose permission he had never sought, and to 
whom he had not reported his deficiency of men. At the 
same time, when ordered to muster and train his band 
and parade them by fifties before Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
commanding at Plymouth, he had purposely mustered 
several companies of untrained recruits, belonging to 
Colonel Seymour's force, who were naturally reported 
upon by Sir Ferdinando as ill-appointed and undisciplined. 
The Colonel, as may be imagined, was highly displeased 
at this attempt to make him appear negligent in his 
command, but, after some words had passed, the matter 
blew over for a time.* 

On the 31st of October, Seymour was appointed a 
Deputy Lieutenant for the county of Devon by the Privy 
Council, on the recommendation of Lord Bath.f 

During the whole of this year he was busily engaged, 
first in levying troops for service in Ireland, which 
1598. were not, however, required in the end; and, 
secondly, in carrying out the orders and disposi- 
tions of the Council for the safety of the county of Devon 
in case of another Spanish invasion, which they had 
reason to expect.^ (Appendix I.) Throughout this he was 
constantly hindered by Champernowne, who appears to 
have been jealous of the superior command entrusted to 
Seymour, and to have done all he could to persuade the 

* Letters of Col. Seymour, Sir F. Gorges, and Lord Bath. — 
Seymour Papers. 

t Letter from Lord Bath to the Lord Keeper. — Seymour Papers. 
t Letters from the Council to Lord Bath. — Seymour Papers. 



Council to give him an equal power or else to let him 
supplant his superior officer. Champernowne, it appears, 
could never be got to carry out diligently and punctually 
the orders he received, and, in consequence, became most 
unpopular with the other officers as well as with the men. 
In the end his behaviour became so bad that he was 
severely reprimanded by the Lord Lieutenant, who 
threatened to deprive him of his command, and appears 
not long after to have been obliged to actually carry out 
his threat.* (Appendix J.) 

The fears of a Spanish invasion were now subsiding, 

and the Council deemed it no longer necessary 
1599. to keep up the expense of a large armed force. 

The regiments that had been specially raised for 
the emergency were therefore gradually disbanded, 
amongst them being Colonel Seymour's. The latter 
continued, however, to reside at Berry Pomeroy and to 
busy himself with the affairs of the county. 

On the accession of King James in this year, Colonel 

Seymour received a pardon from that monarch 
1603. (November 1), but for what offence, if any, we are 

unable to discover. That it did not put him out of 
favour is shown by his receiving a licence, on Novem- 
ber 22, to hold a cattle market at Bridgetown on every 
Thursday, and to have an annual fair there on the 28th 
of April in each year.f He was also chosen to serve in 
Parliament as knight of the shire for the county of 
Devon,J and appointed sheriff for the same, in which 
capacity he was very nearly getting into trouble through 
the misconduct of one, Lawrence, who he had appointed 
as his deputy. § 
g King James was now proposing to raise money by 

the creation of Baronets, each of whom was to 

* Letters of Col. Seymour, Lord Bath, A. Champernowne, 
and the Council. — Seymour Papers. 

t Blackstone's Commentaries, 3, p. 32. 
t Collins's Peerage. 

§ Collections for Devon, 101 ; Seymour Correspondence, MS. 



pay a large sum for the honour, but in an indirect 
manner. Every gentleman who had maintained a certain 
number of foot soldiers for service in Ireland, or was 
prepared to put down a sum of money as an equiva- 
lent, was to receive the honour. Amongst others it was 
conferred on Seymour. According to the patent of crea- 
tion he was supposed to have maintained 30 men, at his 
own expense, for the service in Ireland. Whether he 
really did so or not, is not clear, but there is no doubt 
that shortly after he had to pay the sum of ^1,095, presum- 
ably as a composition in lieu of service ; that sum being 
reckoned the equivalent to the maintenance of 30 men for 
three years.* The whole transaction is somewhat obscure, 
unless we are to think that he was not aware that he was 
afterwards to purchase the honour he received, for he 
makes no mention of money, but, writing to Salisbury, 
from Lupton, on the 12th of June, thanks that nobleman 
for deeming him worthy to be recommended for advance- 
ment into the order of Baronets, and requests that he 
may have a grant of the wardship of his son-in-law, Mr. 
Parker ; and, writing again on the 21st, thanks his lord- 
ship for being created a baronet and for the grant of the 
wardship of Mr. Parker, which had now come to him 
through the death of the latter's grandfather.! The 
patent of creation is dated the 29th, and it seems possible 
that the wording of it may have been the first intimation 
he received that he was expected to pay for his new 

Sir Edward Seymour was always on a very friendly 
footing with Lord Burleigh and Sir Robert Cecil, and 
doubtless owed much of his employment during Eliza- 
beth's reign to the good offices of these ministers, as well 
as to the assistance of Lord Bath. He appears to have 
been a very careful and diligent officer and justice, and 
was at one time particularly complimented by the Lord 
Lieutenant upon his accounts and his care of such public 

* Papers, nth Duke of Somerset, 
t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 



papers as came into his hands, and the copies he took of 
those he wrote, tend to confirm this account of him.* 
From the time of his death to the commencement of the 
Civil War, we scarcely find a letter or paper of any conse- 
quence, relating to public affairs, in the possession of the 
family. They seemed to have turned their attention 
chiefly to their private affairs. 

Sir Edward died April n, 1613, and was buried, with 
great solemnity, in the church at Berry Pomeroy 
1 613. on May 27, when a funeral sermon, full of his 
praises, was preached by Barnaby Potter, after- 
wards Bishop of Carlisle. This oration was printed at 
Oxford during the same year, and an abstract of it 
appeared later, in 1 741, in " Memorials and Characters, 
together with the lives of divers eminent and worthy 
persons."t (Fol. 485.) 

By his wife Jane, daughter of Sir Arthur Champernowne, 
he left five sons and four daughters : — 

Sir Edward Seymour, who succeeded him, and of 
whom we must speak later. 

John Seymour, who married a sister of Sir Richard 
Slanning. (Appendix K.) 

William and Walter Seymour, who died unmarried. 

Richard Seymour, who married a daughter of 
— Ashley, and had one son, who died unmarried. 

Bridget Seymour, who married John Bruen, Esq., 
of Admerston, in Wilts. 

Mary Seymour, who married Sir George Farewell, 
knight, of Hill Bishop, in Somerset. 

Elizabeth Seymour, who married George Cary, Esq., 
of Cockington, Devon. 

Amy Seymour, who married Edmund Parker, Esq., 
of Borrington, in Devon, from whom are de- 
scended the Lords Borrington, afterwards created 
Earls of Morley. 

* Letters from Lord Bath. — Seymour Papers, 
t Collins's Peerage. 




[Seymour Correspondence and Papers, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset ; State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth ; State Papers, 
Domestic, James I ; Risdon's Survey of Devon ; Life of Sir 
Walter Raleigh j Aikin's Memoirs of Elizabeth ; Blackstone's 
Commentaries ; Collections for Devon ; Lives of the Admi- 
rals ; Collins's Peerage ; G. E. Cfockayne's] Peerage ; Ed- 
mundson's Peerage j Prince's Worthies of Devon.] 



Edward Seymour was born about the year 1585, but 

no mention is anywhere made of his early years, so 
1585. we can only presume that they were passed at 

some college or else in attendance on his father ; 
but, although no particulars are to be found as to his 
education and his earlier years, he appears to have shown 
marks of promise, for we find that, on James's accession 

to the throne of England, he received the honour 
1603. of knighthood at the hands of that King, at 

Greenwich, on May 22, although he was but 
1 8 years of age.* 

In April, 1613, he succeeded to all the possessions of 

his father, and, in December of the same year, he 
1 6 13. was appointed Governor of Dartmouth, which was 

then a very important place, f He does not 
appear, however, to have taken any leading part in the 
public affairs of the time, preferring a peaceful and quiet 
country life to the arduousness and danger of a more 
distinguished public career. 

He did not, however, avoid such public duties as he 

was able to attend to in the county of Devon, 
1 617. where he resided at the family seat of Berry 

Pomeroy. On March 5, 161 7, he was appointed 
a Deputy Lieutenant of the county of Devon by Lord 

Bath, J and, in February, 1620, he was given the 
1620. command of a regiment raised in South Devon, 

with power to appoint or nominate his own officers. 
We find a Mr. Tremayne and a Mr. Glanville appointed 

* Collins's Peerage, 
t Seymour Papers. 

J Lord Bath's commission to Sir E. Seymour. — Seymour Papers. 



captains by his order about this time. He kept a portion 
of this regiment at Tavistock, while the remainder he 
quartered at Totnes, close to his own home.* 

In this year he appears to have been employed in some 
way as an officer of the Admiralty, with certain 
1622. powers on the Devonshire coast, for we find a 
petition, apparently presented in May, by Robert 
Dure to the Council, on behalf of certain merchants of 
St. Malo, in France, which states that a ship of theirs had 
been taken and brought into Plymouth by a Rochelle 
pinnace, and that the officers of the Admiralty refused to 
take it in charge, but aided and abetted their captors 
in embezzling and selling the goods therein, maltreating 
the master and mariners, and had finally sold the vessel 
for a very small sum. The petition requested that Sir 
Edward Seymour, James Bagg, and Thomas Harding, 
the Admiralty officers, should be called before the Council 
to answer for their conduct. t Whether this accusation 
was untrue, or whether these officers were acting under 
orders from the Admiralty, does not appear, but certain it 
is that no notice was taken of the complaint. 

On the accession of Charles I, Sir Edward served in Par- 
liament as member for Hillington, and afterwards, 

1625. on two other occasions, as member for Totnes. £ 
About this time he appears to have entered into 

some speculations on his own account, keeping one or 
more ships, perhaps for trading, but more likely 

1626. for privateering, for, on April 28, 1626, we find a 
letter from the Mayor of Dartmouth to the 

Council which states that a warlike ship, belonging to Sir 
Edward Seymour, had come into Dartmouth with an 
Irish barque, going from Newhaven to Dundalk, and 
that, in searching the prize, a priest from Douay was 

In May of the same year we find Sir John Eliot com- 

* Seymour Papers. 

t State Papers, Domestic, James I. 

% Collins's Peerage, Parliamentary summons. 



plaining to the Council that, as Vice-Admiral of the 
county, he was entitled to a-half of the value of all ships 
captured within his district, but that, a ship called the 
" Joshua " having been taken, the reward, amounting to 
j£ 1,000, had been given to Sir Edward Seymour by the 
Duke of Buckingham.* It seems probable that it was 
one of Sir Edward's own ships that had made the capture, 
for he seems to have begun to enter more boldly into the 
privateering business, and, according to a letter from Sir 
John Drake to Nicholas, dated December 4, he seems to 
have made a valuable capture of a richly laden French ship 

which he brought into Plymouth about that time.* 
1627. In an Order of Council, made June 29, 1627, 

mention is even made of one of his ships, the 
" Reformation of Dartmouth/' which is stated to have 
been a man-of-war. 

The following year he endeavoured to obtain the 
appointment of Vice-Admiral of Devon, and wrote to 
Nicholas upon the subject, saying that both Sir James 
Bagg and Sir John Drake were weary of the work, but 
that he himself would be most thankful for the appoint- 
ment, " a thankful debtor " he calls it, and that if the 
tenths might be got with it, he would add a brace or 
leash of hundred pounds.* In spite of this offer he did 
not then get the coveted appointment, but continued to 
act in his capacity as an officer of the Admiralty, part of 
the duties of which, as we see by a letter from the King 

to him and his fellow-officers, was to appraise ships 
1 63 1. and cargoes found derelict upon the high seas or 

brought in as prizes into port.f 
During all this time Sir Edward continued to be dili- 
gent in the exercise of his duties as a justice and deputy 
lieutenant, but the Admiralty business appears to have 

been the most congenial to his mind and to have 
1633. received the greater part of his attention. On 

July 31, 1633, he received an order from the Lords 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

t Letter from the King, June 23. — State Papers, Domestic. 



of the Admiralty, from Whitehall, to " romage " and search 
His Majesty's " pink," the Great Seahorse, which had set 
out for the South, but had returned to Plymouth, and 
which was in command of Captain Quaile, and to examine 
the commander and the ship's company as to what gold, 
jewels, pinks, ships, or merchandize, had been taken by 
them, and report the same.* It is curious to note that 
this is the first document among the State papers in which 
the Seymour name is spelt in the old way. The letter is 
addressed to Lord Edward St. Maur. 

About this time Sir Edward received the appointment 
of Vice-Admiral for the county of Devon, which 
1636. he had always been so desirous of receiving, and 
appears to have exercised the duties of that posi- 
tion with great diligence.^ His private affairs had all 
along engaged a great portion of his attention, and he had 
so prospered in his management that he was able to 
enlarge and beautify his castle of Berry Pomeroy, where 
he constantly resided, and upon which he is stated to have 
spent upwards of £20,000, t an expenditure which can 
readily be conceived if we read the description of that 
place as it then was, or even by an examination of the ruins 
as they appear to-day. (Note 91.) 

The disputes between the King and the Parliament were 
now growing more and more dangerous, and it became 
plain that a civil war could not long be delayed. Like 
the rest of the Seymours, Sir Edward threw in his lot 
with his Sovereign, though his advancing age and ill- 
health made it impossible for him to become of any real 
service in the field. He made an attempt, how- 
1642. ever, to join the King's forces for, when, in 1642, 
the people of Devon were summoned to assemble 
at Modbury by the High Sheriff, in the King's name, he 
insisted upon accompanying his son to that place with a 
few men the latter had hastily raised. His effort did not 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

t Risdon, p. 203 ; Prince, Danmonii Orientales Illustres, 
p. 492. 



meet with the success it deserved for, on the march thither, 
the party was set upon and captured by a body of Parlia- 
mentary horse, and Sir Edward was sent a prisoner to 

His imprisonment was not, however, of long duration, 
for, after the lapse of a few weeks, he was exchanged and, 
upon his release, retired to Berry Pomeroy. There he 
found that his goods had been seized by a party of horse, 
in spite of the resistance made by his bailiff and retainers, 
and sold for the sum of £89 12s. 6d.\ 

Realising that his age and health would not permit 
him to take any active part in the military proceedings in 
the West, he continued to reside at Berry Pomeroy, 
leaving his son to take his place in the field. This did not, 
however, secure him from further molestation at 
1 647. the hands of the Parliament who, July 18,1 647, se- 
questered the whole of his Devonshire estates (the 
Wiltshire ones he had made over to his son some years be- 
fore), urging as an excuse for this proceeding his old offence 
of having started for Modbury, in obedience to the King's 
summons. t The sequestration does not appear to have 
been properly carried out, although his rents were received 
by the Parliament, for he continued to reside at 
1659. Berry Pomeroy, where he died, October 5, 1659, 
" very much lamented, having, by an obliging 
temper, attracted the love of his country ; and, by a 
prudent management, gained the character of a person of 
honour, conduct, and experience." He was buried at 
Berry Pomeroy.^ 

By his wife Dorothy, daughter of Sir Henry Killegrew, 
knight, of Laroch (or Lathbury) in Cornwall, he had six 
sons and five daughters — 

Sir Edward Seymour, bart., of whom we will speak 

Henry Seymour, of whom we will speak next. 

* Letters from the Commissioners for Sequestration, 
t Seymour Papers, nth Duke of Somerset, 
t Collins's Peerage. 



Sir Joseph Seymour, who married Bridget, daughter 

of — Anderson. 
Thomas Seymour, who married Anne, daughter of 

Sir Richard Anderson, knight, of Penley, in Herts. 

In 1667 he was made Clerk of the Hanaper for 


Robert and John Seymour, both of whom died 

young. (Note 92.) 
Elizabeth Seymour, who was twice married ; first to 

Sir William Courtenay, of Powderham Castle, in 

Devon ; secondly, to Sir Amos Meridith, bart, of 

Timberley Hall, in Cheshire. 
Mary Seymour, who married Sir Jonathan Trelawney, 

bart., by whom she was mother to Sir J. Trelawney, 

bart., Bishop of Winchester. 
Margaret Seymour, who married Francis Trelawney, 

brother to the above Sir Jonathan. 
Anne Seymour, who married Dr. Stourton. 
Catharine Seymour, who married Sir Thomas Hall, 

of Bradford, in Wilts. 

[Letters and Papers of Seymour family, coll. by nth Duke of 
Somerset ; Collins's Peerage ; G. E. C[ockayne's] Peerage ; 
Beatham's Genealogical Tables ; State Papers, Domestic, 
ames I ; State Papers, Domestic, Charles I ; Risdon's 
urvey of Devon ; Prince's Danmonii Orientales Illustres ; 
Parliamentary Summons, &c] 

* Beatham's Genealogical Tables. 

T 2 




Henry Seymour was born in the year 1612, and at an 

early age was made a page of honour to Charles I. 
1 6 1 2. When but sixteen years old we find him serving 

as captain in Sir Benjamin Tichborne's regiment, 
1628. and, from a letter of Secretary Conway's, dated 

August 1 8, he appears then to have been willing to 
leave his company,^ probably having some better or more 
congenial appointment in view. It appears, indeed, that 

he must have returned to Court not long after, for, 
1638. on March 23, 1636, he is expressly mentioned as 

His Majesty's servant in a grant giving him the 
office of Comptroller of the Customs, after the death of 
John Holloway and Martin Hardrett, as assuring him the 
same fees as these gentlemen had enjoyed.* 

On the breaking out of the Civil War he was still in 
attendance on the King, but being anxious to take an 
active part in his master's cause, he was permitted to 
accompany the Marquis of Hertford to his command in 

the West and repaired with him to Wells, after- 
1 643. wards taking part in the retreat of the small Royalist 

army to Sherborne Castle, where he was chosen as 
the bearer of the Marquis's challenge to the Earl of Bed- 
ford, t For some time after he continued to follow the 
fortunes of Hertford's army but, as matters became more 
hopeless, he left that force to attach himself to Prince 
Charles, to whom he had been appointed Groom of the 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles I. 

t Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, vii, 185. 



In August, 1648 , he was the bearer of a message from 
Prince Charles to the Earl of Warwick, concerning 

1648. the surrender of the fleet, # and in the beginning 
of September he was captured and confined in the 

prison of Peterhouse by the Parliament.f He did not, 
however, remain there long, for he managed to effect his 
escapef about the 15 th of the same month, and 

1649. returned to the Prince who, in the following year, 
again sent him to England, charged with the last 

message he was able to send the King, his father, before 
the latter's execution. J 

In September of the same year he left Jersey, where he 
was in attendance on Charles, and went to Ireland upon 
some business of the King's.§ He returned in 

1650. time, however, to accompany Charles to Scotland in 
1650, but, on his arrival there, he was voted away 

from the King because he made no scruple of speaking 
against that part of the newly formulated declaration which 
he considered to touch the honour of the late King. 
He was examined upon several occasions by a committee 
upon this matter, but insisted that he could not do other- 
wise after having been the bearer of a certain message from 
the late King to the present one, just before his murder.|| 
The first act of the Scots on Charles's entering their 
country had been to vote away all his English followers, 
with the exception of the Duke of Buckingham and Henry 
Seymour, so it is evident that the only reason for his 
afterwards being voted away by the Scots was that he 
would not agree in full to their declaration. || After the 
Scotch defeat at Dunbar, Henry Seymour was left at 

As soon as he was able to get a ship, Seymour left 

* Clarendon, xi, 69. 
t State Papers, Domestic. 
X Ludlaw's Memoirs, ed. Firth, 11, 286. 
§ Gardiner's Commonwealth, 160, 207. 
II State Papers, Domestic. 
II Cal. Clarendon Papers, 11, 69, 77, 87. 



Scotland and went to join Charles in Paris, where 
1651. he resumed his attendance as Groom of the Bed- 
chamber^ During the next few years he was 
frequently employed in making secret journeys to England 
to interview the King's friends, and on most of these occa- 
sions returned with sums of money subscribed by the 
Royalists in England. He appears more than once to 
have been the means whereby the Marquis of Hertford 
sent over the ^5,000 a year which he regularly gave 
Charles and, on one occasion, brought £3,000 from that 
nobleman to Paris, so that the King might have the means 
of escape should the French, as seemed likely, decide to 

give him up. His last journey was in January, 
1654. 1654, when he collected £1,920 in England, with 

which he returned to Paris. Almost immediately 
afterwards he obtained a pass from Cromwell, on repre- 
senting that he would be solely engaged in his private 
affairs, f and returned to England, where he was soon after 
arrested and committed to the Tower, June 17, on the 
charge of high treason.^ 

In April, 1656, he was released on bail in order that he 

might recover his health, which had suffered from 

1656. the confinement of his prison but, upon some 
rumour of Royalist activity in the country, he was 

summoned in September and again lodged in the Tower 
on October 1, whence he addressed a petition, 

1657. February 3, begging that he might again be 
admitted to bail as he had committed no offence 

and found his health was being ruined by restraint.^ 
No immediate result followed this petition, but the fol- 
lowing May he was released, upon his agreeing to certain 
conditions, which appear to have been rather severe, even 
for that time.§ 

Upon the Restoration he continued in his appointment 

* Clarendon. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Cal. Clarendon Papers. 

t State Papers, Domestic. 

§ Cal. Clarendon Papers, iii, 303. 



of Groom of the Bedchamber, and was again made 

1660. Comptroller of the Customs. Soon after he was 
appointed Clerk of the Hanaper and returned to 

Parliament as member for Eastloe, which he continued to 
represent for the next 21 years. # On December 6, he 
petitioned for a lease of Crown lands, partly for his 
advancement in marriage and partly as a recompense for 
his loss of land owing to his long service. This loss he 
estimated at £500 a year. This petition was 

1 66 1. apparently favourably received, for, November 30 
of the following year, he obtained a lease in rever- 
sion of certain lands and tenements belonging to the 
Duchy of Cornwall, for his own life and that of Edward 
Seymour, his nephew, and also received a pension of £500 
a year on November i8.f 

In February, 1663, he received a lease of Castle Hay 

Park, in Staffordshire, and at various times re- 
1663. ceived other smaller grants and leases. His 

former services were indeed very highly rewarded 
by the King, for the Duchy leases alone were computed 
to be worth £40,000 during the time he had them.j 

During the first few years of the Restoration he ap- 
1666. pears to have resided at Westminster, but, in 1666, 

he removed to Langley, in Bucks, which he rented, 
and which, three years afterwards, he purchased from the 

trustees of Sir William Parsons. Here he erected 
1669. and endowed some almshouses, after obtaining a 

grant of the manor from the Crown. 
Having reached the age of 57 he now retired from 

public life and spent his few remaining years 
1686. quietly at Langley, where he died on the 9th 

March, 1686. 

He had been twice married ; first to Elizabeth, daughter 
of Sir Joseph Killegrew, and widow of William Basset, 
of Claverton, which lady died in 1671 ; and secondly to 

* Returns of Members of Parliament., 
t State Papers, Domestic, Charles II. 
% Marvell. 



Ursula, the widow of George Stawell, Esq., of Cotherston, 
in Kent, and daughter of Sir Robert Austen, of Bexley, 
in Kent. By his second wife he had one son — 

Sir Henry Seymour, of Langley, Bucks, who was 
born October 20, 1674, and who, at the age of 
seven (1681) was created a baronet by Charles II, 
in consideration of his father's approved loyalty 
and great services, and whilst he was still living. 
The limitation of the patent was to his heirs 
male, with remainder to his father and his heirs 
male. Sir Henry was returned as member of 
Parliament for Eastloe, in 1699, and served in six 
other Parliaments until the time of his death in 
1 7 14. He was buried at Langley. As he had 
died unmarried, his estate at Langley devolved 
upon Sir Edward Seymour, bart., grandfather to 
the 9th Duke of Somerset, who sold it to Lord 
Masham, who in turn sold it to the Duke of 

[Letters and Papers relating to Seymour family, coll. by nth 
Duke of Somerset ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; State Papers, Do- 
mestic, Charles I ; State Papers, Domestic ; State Papers, 
Domestic, Charles II; Ludlow's Memoirs ; Clarendon's Hist, 
of the Rebellion ; Calendar Clarendon Papers ; Hoskins's 
Charles II in the Channel Islands ; Gardiner's Common- 
wealth ; Andrew Marvell's Seasonable Arguments ; Burke's 
Extinct Baronetage ; Collins's Peerage ; Ormonde Letters, 




Edward Seymour was born in 16 10, and as soon as he 
had attained a reasonable age was returned to 

1 6 10. Parliament as knight of the shire for the county 
of Devon, serving in the last two Parliaments of 

1640. Charles I, the latter of which was summoned in 

Some time previous to this he had been given over the 
Maiden Bradley and other Wiltshire property by his 
father, who contented himself with the Devonshire estates ; 
and December 3, 1639, we find him petitioning the King 
to grant him and his heirs permission to hold a market on 
every Friday at the town of Maiden Bradley, in lieu of 
the market anciently held there on the Monday, and also 
to hold a yearly fair there on St. Mark's Day, of which he 
should receive the tolls and privileges. (Note 93.) He 
further petitioned for a grant to confirm to him and his 
heirs certain liberties, franchises, and privileges within the 
manor and parish of Maiden Bradley, which had been held 
hitherto by grants from former sovereigns and by several 
charters under the Great Seal.f 

In July, 1642, he received a commission as Colonel 
from the King, and, on November 9, was em- 
1642. powered to raise a regiment of 1,200 men. The 
form of the commission is peculiar. The first 
object proposed is to repel and subdue the traitorous 
attempts of the Earl of Essex, the Lord Brooke, and 
others. Then follows the preservation of peace, the 
support of the laws, and of the Protestant religion. 
Seymour was authorised to appoint officers to this regi- 

* Parliamentary Summons. 

t State Papers, Domestic, Charles L 



ment, in the absence of the Marquis of Hertford, com- 
manding in the West, but otherwise was to be under that 
nobleman's orders. The soldiers were to be paid by the 
King. # 

Soon after this, Sir Edmund Fortescue, High Sheriff of 
Devon, summoned the people to Modbury in the King's 
name, and Edward Seymour started for that place with 
his father. They were, however, taken prisoners on the 
way by some Parliament horse and sent to London. The 
father, as we have previously seen, was soon exchanged, 
and Edward Seymour also recovered his liberty after some 
weeks, either by escape or exchange. It is not certain 

On April 1 6, 1 643, Colonel Seymour received a second 
commission, this time from the Marquis of Hert- 
1643. ford, authorising him to raise 1,500 foot, including 
officers, the appointment of the latter being again 
left to his discretion. This commission differed materially 
from the former one, for the objects now mentioned were 
the defence of the King's person, that of the two Houses 
of Parliament, the Protestant religion, the laws of the land, 
the liberty and property of the subject, and the privileges 
of Parliament, f 

Having raised his regiment, Colonel Seymour appears 
to have operated in the north of Cornwall and South 
Devon for some months. The Parliamentary forces, some- 
what further north, were at that time commanded by Lord 
Stamford, an old and intimate friend of Seymour's, and, 
though engaged on opposite sides, their correspondence 
always remained of an affectionate nature. On July 27, 
Stamford wrote asking for a partial exchange of prisoners, 
so that it appears that their operations were frequently 
directed against each other's forces.^ 

* Col. Seymour's Commission ; Clarendon's Hist., 2, 397, 
715 ; Betham. 

T Col. Seymour's Com. from Lord Hertford. — Papers, nth 
nice of Somerset. 

X Corresp. of the Seymours. — Papers, nth Duke of Somerset. 


On the ioth of September, Colonel Seymour received 
an order from Prince Maurice, now commanding in the 
West, to summon the town and castle of Dartmouth, and, 
Seymour's force not proving strong enough to storm the 
place, the Prince soon afterwards brought a portion of his 
army to its assistance and, after considerable difficulty, 
succeeded in capturing it. Colonel Seymour was then 
placed in command of the garrison as Governor of Dart- 
mouth, his commission for which appointment had been 
signed by Hertford on August 12.* It contained the 
fullest powers, and authorised him to receive the contri- 
butions and imposts levied on behalf of the King. 

Dartmouth appears, at this time, to have had a consider- 
able trade, for, at the time of its capture, the harbour 
contained no less than 44 ships, of from 40 to 300 tons, 
and 32 barques.f In addition to these Seymour found a 
great quantity of ammunition in the town, together with 
over 50 cannon, 57 muskets, and 35 barrels of powder. J 
A quantity more was seized on board a ship called the 
" Seraphine," which had been detained in harbour. 

Upon his appointment to the command of the garrison, 
Colonel Seymour took up his residence at Dartmouth, 
and started to make regulations suitable to the times. 
Having received an order from the King for the legal 
adjudication of such prizes as might be brought in, he 
established a little Court of Admiralty to deal with such 
cases, and appointed Dr. Joseph Martin as judge. All 
ships found at sea without a proper warrant from the 
King's officers were adjudged lawful prizes, and all com- 
manders of vessels were made, on entering Dartmouth, to 
deliver up all their arms and ammunition to the Governor 
(according to an old custom observed at that port), petition- 
ing him for their restoration when they went to sea again. § 

* Col. Seymour's Com. — Papers, nth Duke of Somerset, 
t A list of ships in Dartmouth Harbour. — Papers, nth Duke 
of Somerset. 

X Clarendon's Hist., 2, 311. 

§ Corresp. and Seymour Papers of nth Duke of Somerset. 


During the ensuing winter Seymour repaired to the 
King at Oxford, returning through Exeter, and then 
journeyed into Cornwall, returning through Tavistock. 
The object of these journeys is not mentioned in any of 
his letters. 

On January 10 he was authorised to erect a powder 
mill at Totnes, which was soon completed.* He 
1 644. had already a great magazine at Dartmouth, which 
the new powder mill was to keep supplied, but 
the demands upon his store were great, for he had to supply 
the Cornish army, as well as the forces and strongholds 
in his own neighbourhood, and, on August 3, he received 
a further order from the King to supply Sir John Berkeley, 
the Governor of Exeter, with all the powder and match 
he might require. He seems to have been a very able 
and diligent manager of these stores, and to have kept all 
receipts and delivery notes for the various kinds of arms 
and ammunition he supplied with the greatest care.f 
(Appendix L.) 

In April the King's forces were besieging Plymouth 
and Sir Richard Grenville, who was in command, sent to 
Colonel Seymour asking for all the assistance the latter 
could spare from Dartmouth. Seymour sent him 300 
men and such stores of arms and ammunition as he could, 
though not nearly as much as he would have desired to 
send or as were required. So numerous of late had been 
the applications from all quarters that even the large stores 
at Dartmouth had been unable to supply them all, and, as 
the stores in other places grew less, so did the demands 
upon Seymour become greater. J 

On March 21st, by an order from Bedford House, 
Seymour was authorised to appoint watches at the beacon 
fires, and to distribute horsemen and musketeers at con- 
venient places along the coast between Teignmouth and 

* Warrant for erecting powder mill. — Papers, nth Duke of 

t MS. Warrant. — Papers, nth Duke of Somerset. 

t Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 



Plymouth. He was also to call the inhabitants together 
and enlist them, if necessary, to raise fortifications, ap- 
point officers, and provide arms and ammunition. Such 
was the general order, the details and carrying out of 
which was left entirely to his own discretion. Sir Edmund 
Fortescue and Colonel Henry Cary were associated with 
him in this matter, but each of them was to act indepen- 
dently of the others in his own particular district.* 

On May the 7th Seymour was ordered to send his regi- 
ment to join Prince Maurice, and he elected to take the 
command himself, leaving his brother-in-law, Sir Amos 
Ameridath, as his deputy in command at Dartmouth. 
He joined Prince Maurice before Lyme, but appears to 
have returned to Dartmouth at the end of the month or 
the beginning of the next.* 

Towards the latter end of June the King's party in the 
West found themselves hard pressed. Sir Amos Ameridath, 
who had returned to his command, wrote to Seymour in 
the most pressing manner for some more culverins for his 
fort, as he was apprehending an attack from the Earl of 
Essex, then at Crediton ; Prince Maurice, who was at 
Heavitree, about 2 miles from Exeter, wrote to inform 
him that Weymouth had been captured, and that he might 
shortly expect an attack on Dartmouth ; and Sir John 
Berkeley, Sir Peter Ball, and others, wrote in some alarm 
giving him the latest intelligence of the movements of the 
contending armies, by which it appeared the King had 
come to Chard, and exhorting him to see to the careful 
victualling of his garrison, and above all to secure all 
persons who refused the protestation. On this last point 
Seymour appears to have been very careful, perhaps more 
so than Sir John Berkeley and his friends really desired.* 

The siege of Plymouth still continued, and again, 
July 19, Sir Richard Grenville wrote asking for reinforce- 
ments. Before these could be raised, however, the aspect 
of affairs was completely changed by the receipt of the 
news of the disaster at Marston Moor, which caused the 
* Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 



greatest alarm to the King's party in the West. Sir Francis 
Fulford at once came to Seymour for protection (July 22) ; 
Colonel Arundel wanted to bring his regiment to Dart- 
mouth ; and Sir John Berkeley wrote for all the match 
and oakum that could possibly be spared, for the defence 
of Exeter, where he should have kept a supply. # 

Colonel Seymour, however, was now himself in diffi- 
culties. Hitherto he had done his best to assist others 
by meeting their demands, even at the risk of seriously 
reducing the strength of his own garrison, to strengthen 
which he had applied, some time before, to the King, 
through Sir Edmund Fortescue, who was with him. That 
knight had done his best to persuade Charles to send 
some reinforcement to the West, and had used all the 
interest he could command amongst friends at Court for 
the same purpose, but hitherto without effect. He now 
(August 23) wrote again to Seymour telling him not to 
despair, as he felt confident he would soon succeed in 
obtaining the necessary supplies.* Such a letter at this 
time can but have been intended as friendly encourage- 
ment, for, had it been possible for him to obtain any sup- 
plies, they would have now been too late to be of any 
great service. 

Colonel Seymour remained at Dartmouth for some 
time after this, and we find him mentioned in his capacity 
as Governor of that place on October 26.* He appears, 
however, to have been in Exeter, engaged on some other 
duty, at the time of the surrender of Dartmouth. 

As Colonel Seymour had all along stood forward as the 
most conspicuous and active member of the elder branch 
of the Seymours, it is not to be wondered that he should 
be specially selected for punishment by the Parliament, 
now that victory was theirs. His Maiden Bradley estate 
and other properties in Wiltshire were now seized and 
sequestered (October 27), and the rents owing at Michael- 
mas and still unpaid were also taken. These amounted 
to £166 1 os. od. The estate itself was let by Parlia- 

* Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 



r ment to one William Raddish, on March 24,. 
1 45- 1645, at a yearly rental of £160. At the same 
time the Berry Pomeroy estate, which had been made 
over to him by his father, was also sequestered, but, no 
tenant being put in possession, his father continued to 
reside there. The rents and profits of this estate do not 
appear to have been actually taken by the officers of the 
Parliament, but remained in the hands of the tenants, so 
that the Seymours were left without any income from 
either property.* 

This state of things, however, did not last long, for the 
Parliament proposed, on June 27, to compound with all 
delinquents, that is, with all those who had served their 
King, and appointed July 3 as the day on which the 
compositions were to take effect. A committee was 
appointed to settle these compositions, and, until the day 
of its meeting, the present tenants were not to be dis- 
turbed. With this committee Colonel Seymour was able 
to compound for his estate at Maiden Bradley for the 
sum of £1,200 ; but, as the place had already been let by 
the Parliament, he was unable to take possession until the 
new tenant could be got rid off 

This, however, was but a minor consideration, as 
matters turned out, for the Parliament had by no means 
done with him yet. They now asserted that, as he had been 
absent on the King's business, in Exeter, at the time of the 
surrender of Dartmouth, although he was still Governor 
of that town, he was not entitled to any benefit under 
the articles of that surrender. He was in consequence 
kept a prisoner in Exeter for some years, being only 
occasionally let out on bail for short periods. This treat- 
ment he, not unnaturally, considered unjust, and he fre- 
quently petitioned that some end might be put to it. 
r Writing from the Marshalsea, in Exeter, where 

-> ' he was confined, in 1651, he says: — "Truly I 

* Papers, Seymour family, coll. by nth Dulce of Somerset, 
t Order of the Committee for Compounding and petition of 
E. Seymour. — Papers of nth Duke of Somerset. 



consider it very hard that having an absolute dis- 
charge at Goldsmith Hall," and having been "punctual 

in observing all acts and ordinances 1 should be 

hurried away to prison and no bail taken." (He had 
been hurriedly sent for and again confined during one of 
the short periods of liberty allowed him.) 

Troubles and misfortunes, however, do not appear to 
have crushed his sense of humour, for, in a letter begging 
his correspondent to again lay his case before the Council 
of State, he says that, if his request for liberty be denied, 
he had found a way to be even with them : — " For, if not 

granted, I intend to send up my wife and I pray advise 

the Council of State from me, in relation to their own 
quiet, let them grant my request rather than be punished 
with her importunity." In justice to this lady, the sub- 
ject of his joke, it may not be amiss to state here that 
there remain on record many of her acts of loyalty, 
courage, kindness, and generosity, the latter qualities 
being frequently exerted as well upon her foes as upon 
her friends. 

Even this threat of Seymour's did not procure his 
liberty, for we find him still a prisoner at Exeter in June, 
on the 13th of which he was permitted to go, in company 
with an officer, for 8 or 10 days, to transact some busi- 
ness concerning Mr. Wallop, about which that gentleman 
seemed particularly anxious.* 

During the following autumn he appears to have been 
eventually released and to have retired to his country 
seat, where he led a life of the greatest tranquillity so long 
as he was permitted to do so. He continued, however, 
to be regarded with the greatest suspicion, and there 
seems no doubt that Cromwell himself believed him to 
have entered into several of the conspiracies of the time 
for the King's restoration.! Whether his conduct was 
such as to give occasion for any such feeling, or not, 
there is nothing to show, but we find that on Novem- 

* State Papers, Domestic. 

t Thurloe's State Papers, 4, 610. 



r ber 27, 1655, he was obliged to enter into an 
- > - ) * engagement to surrender himself, whenever re- 
quired, into the custody of General Desborough, or that 
of Sir John Copplestone, and not to act against the Pro- 
tector or the present Government, nor go out of the 
county of Devon, except into Exeter, without the leave of 
the Protector, or that of one of the officers above 

On November 21, Colonel Seymour granted a lease of 
Totnes Castle for 999 years to Mr. W. Bogan, of Git- 
combe, for the consideration of ^300 ; and, shortly after, 
with the consent of his father, he sold it outright to the 
same gentleman, together with all its appurtenances, the 
reserved rent payable by the Corporation, and all his 
property in the town of Totnes, for a further sum of 

This property was probably sold in order to assist the 
King, for we find that Seymour was one of His Majesty's 
most active partisans at this time, and that about this 
period he contrived to send him a considerable sum of 
money. This does not appear to have been the only 
occasion on which he rendered such pecuniary 

1658. assistance, for, in the year 1658, he appears to have 
repaired in person to the King's Court abroad, 

bringing with him a welcome gift of ^1,000. J 

In the autumn of the following year he succeeded to 
the baronetcy through his father's death, and, in 

1659. 1660, upon the restoration of Charles II, he was 
the first to sign " the declaration of the Gentrie 

of the King's party in the county of Devon." (Note 94.) 
Almost immediately afterwards he was made Deputy 
Lieutenant for Devon, and appointed to the command 
of the same regiment in Devon that he had before 

* Col. Seymour's engagement to surrender himself. — Papers, 
nth Duke of Somerset. 

t Original Deed of Sale at Stover. — Papers, nth Duke of 

X Papers, nth Duke of Somerset. 




commanded.* Soon after he was made Vice- 
1 ^' Admiral for the same county, and was returned 
to Parliament as member for Totnes, which he con- 
tinued to represent during this reign and the next. 

It has always been supposed that the castle of Berry 
Pomeroy, on the embellishing of which his father had 
spent so large a sum of money, was plundered and burnt 
down during the Civil War ; but, from a settlement which 
he made in this year, it appears that the castle was still 
standing uninjured. There was, in addition, a mansion 
house in the park of Berry Pomeroy, and a capital house, 
farm, barton, &c, probably the same that still remain near 
the church. # 

On August 31, 1676, Sir Edward was appointed 
Colonel General of all the trained bands of horse 
1676. and foot, raised and to be raised in Devon, and 
Captain and Governor of the castles and block- 
houses in the town and port of Dartmouth. t About the 
same time, in company with some other gentlemen, he was 
officially thanked by Lord Bath, in the name of the King, 
for the diligence he had shown in suppressing all seditions 
and discontents in the county.^ (Note 95.) 

In 1688 he was chosen member for the city of Exeter, 
an honour that, for a wonder, appears to have cost 
1688. him very little, and was soon after called upon 
to advise an association of persons desirous of 
welcoming the Prince of Orange. 

He died December 7th of the same year, at the age 
of 78, and was buried at Berry Pomeroy. § As we have 
seen, he had shown himself a most active officer and 
zealous partisan of Charles, for, on the outbreak of the 
Civil War, his father having become too old for service, he 
was the Colonel and Governor of Dartmouth who so dis- 

* Papers, nth Duke of Somerset. 

t Sir E. Seymour's Commission. — Papers, nth Duke of 

X Corresp. of the Seymours. 
§ Collins's Peerage. 


From a portrait at Knoyle, by kind permission of Mrs. Alfred Seymour. 



tinguished himself. * The little notice taken of him by 
Clarendon is hardly to be accounted for, unless we are to 
suppose that the enmity which subsisted between that 
nobleman and the son could influence the pen of the 
historian in recording the merits of the father. Sir 
Edward Seymour, indeed, as well as all the family, of 
either branch, had been a strenuous supporter of the 
House of Stuart, so long as loyalty could, by any argu- 
ments, be reconciled to the constitution. When these 
became irreconcilable, the whole family turned against 
that House and welcomed the Prince of Orange. What 
we have been able to find concerning Sir Edward himself 
is but very little compared to what there might have been 
to tell, had his actions only been chronicled ; but every 
writer who mentions him speaks in unqualified praise of 
his behaviour during the whole of the stormy times in 
which he lived. He appears to have been looked upon 
as a soldier of great courage and ability, and, when in 
Parliament, as a statesman of the steadiest principles, 
esteemed by all for his honour and integrity. The chief 
occasion upon which he took a leading part in the House 
of Commons was in his attack upon Lord Danby. 

He had married Anne, daughter of Sir William Port- 
man, of Orchard Portman, in Somerset, and by her had 
five sons and one daughter — 

Sir Edward Seymour, who succeeded him and of 
whom we must speak later. 

John Seymour, who was made a colonel in the 
English service, and who married a daughter of 
Sir Richard Kennedy, knight. 

Hugh Seymour, who became a captain of distinc- 
tion in the English Navy, and was killed in an 
engagement with the Dutch, when commanding 
the " Foresight." (Note 96.) 

William Seymour, who died unmarried. 

Henry Seymour, who, by the will of his mother's 

* Betham's Genealogical Tables. 

U 2 



brother, Sir W. Portman, inherited the large 
estate of the Portmans at Orchard Portman, and, 
pursuant to the same will, added, by Act of 
Parliament, the name of Portman to his own. He 
was twice married ; first to Penelope, daughter of 
Sir William Hazlewood, knight, of Maidwell, in 
Northants ; and secondly to Millicent, daughter 
of William Fitch, Esq., of High Hall, in Dorset. 
After his death, without issue, Millicent Seymour 
Portman married G. Founes, Esq., of Dorset. 
Elizabeth Seymour, who married Sir Joseph Treden- 
ham, knight, of Tregony, in Cornwall. 

Lady Edward Seymour survived her husband and died 
in 1694. Her will, made in December, 1692, is curious 
from the amount of legacies it contained. Nineteen of 
these, the only ones consisting of money, amounted only 
to £345. The remainder were silver dishes, spoons, 
looking-glasses given her by the King of Spain, a sword 
given to her husband by Charles II, and many other such 
articles, which she desired might remain in the Seymour 
family for ever. " One of them," writes the nth Duke 
of Somerset, " probably on account of its small value, has 
remained longer than she had reason to expect, and that 
is a buff coat, which she says was her husband's. It is still 
one of the antiquities of Berry Pomeroy." 

[Family Papers and Correspondence of the Seymours, coll. by 
the nth Duke of Somerset; Collins's Peerage; Betham's 
Genealogical Tables ; Thurloe's State Papers ; State Papers, 
Domestic, Charles I ; State Papers, Domestic ; State Papers, 
Domestic, Charles II ; Clarendon's Hist., &c] 


From a portrait at Stover in the possession of H. St. Maur, Esqr. 

ScJU to | ,o t \ 




Edward Seymour, called by Guthrie " the great Sir 
Edward," was born in 1633,* and grew up into 
1633. a remarkably tall and handsome man. Few private 
gentlemen in England ever had so large or so 
continued a share in public transactions as he had, for, 
from the time of the Restoration (when he was 27 years 
of age) to the time of his death, he was a member of the 
English Parliament, always representing the city of Exeter, 
except on three occasions, when he was returned for Hin- 
don, Devon, and Totnes. It has been generally agreed 
that he had a great command of speech, and that his 
eloquence was of a style particularly adapted to an English 
House of Commons. In consequence he became of the 
highest importance to the Court upon any emergency, and, 
being possessed of plenty of spirit, he was always either 
the first man in the Ministry or the leader of the Oppo- 

Edward Seymour commenced his Parliamentary career 
in 1 66 1, and, being in some favour at Court, owing 
1 66 1. probably to his father's long and devoted services 
to the King, soon after received the post of Com - 
missioner of Prizes in the Navy. # 

In this year, when both the King and the Parliament 
were ready, the one to give up and the other to 
1667. impeach the Earl of Clarendon, Seymour distin- 
guished himself by being the first man to charge 
that nobleman openly in the Commons with many great 
and serious crimes. His speech brought about an ani- 
mated debate in the House, as a result of which the 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 



Commons decided to impeach the Earl for treason and 
other offences and misdemeanours, upon 17 articles 
which they drew up against him, only one of which, 
however, really amounted to the graver charge. 

The impeachment decided upon, Seymour was chosen 
to deliver it to the House of Lords, which he did in a 
few dignified and well-chosen words. The issue of this, 
as may be seen in history, was the Earl's abrupt departure 
from the kingdom, after which an act of banishment was 
passed against him. 

The leading part taken by Seymour in this matter was 
doubtless the cause of the hatred with which Lord 
Clarendon regarded him, and which resulted in that 
nobleman's making as little mention as he could of the 
Seymours of Devonshire in his History of the Re- 

In October, 1668, Seymour was appointed a Deputy 
Lieutenant for Wiltshire,^ and soon after was 
1668. granted the post of Treasurer of the Navy, which 
carried with it a salary of £3,000 a year. In 

1672. May, 1672, he was again appointed a Commis- 
sioner of the Navy, for which he received another 

£500 a year, # and in June he was made Clerk of the 
Hanaper in Chancery for life. 

On the 1 8th of February in this year, he was unani- 
mously elected Speaker of the House of Commons, 

1673. in the place of Sir Job Charleton, who had been 
compelled to resign through ill-health. This selec- 
tion shows the great esteem with which he was regarded in 
that House, for the Speaker's chair had always, up to this 
time, been filled by a member of the legal profession, and 
he was, therefore, the first gentleman, not bred to the law, 
whose abilities were considered such as to fit him for so 
important a position. 

The following month he was sworn a member of the 
Privy Council, an elevation which was viewed with con- 
siderable disapproval by some of the more independent 
* State Papers, Domestic, Charles II. 



members of the House, one of whom, Sir Thomas Little- 
ton, started a debate on the subject (October 27), in 
which he said to the Speaker, " you are too big for that 
chair and for us, and you that are one of the governors of 
the world, to be our servant, is incongruous." The dis- 
cussion grew somewhat warm, but in the end it turned 
completely in Seymour's favour, upon which the latter 
rose from the chair, which he had refused to vacate during 
the debate, and, in a neat speech, " complimented the 
House to the effect that he held no employment a greater 
honour to him than that which he had in their 
service. * 

On the 4th of November another warm debate arose, 
in which it was moved that the French alliance and the 
evil councillors about the King were a danger to the 
nation, and the more ardent members of the House were 
for Seymour's putting the motions to the vote immediately. 
Seymour, however, was not to be made to precipitate 
matters in any such manner, and, understanding from the 
looks and gestures around him that there was some idea of 
holding him forcibly in the chair until the motion was 
passed, he, as Reresby puts it, " very nimbly " skipped out 
of it, leaving the House to rise in great confusion. 

Edward Seymour appears to have been one of the 
proudest of all his family, in fact, his pride at times 
amounted almost to arrogance, but at the same time it 
was a pride of the right kind, and enabled him to carry out 
the duties of his position in a manner that a less spirited 
man would have shrunk from. Though generally repre- 
sented as the most haughty and arrogant Speaker that 
ever presided over the debates of the House of Commons, 
it has been generally admitted that this very quality was 
necessary to his position, and proved most advantageous 
in preserving the dignity of the House, both inside and 
out, and in keeping order between the unruly factions 
that divided it. His courage, dignity, and haughty bear- 
ing inspired his fellow-members with respect and even 
* Pari. Hist., iv, 593. 



fear, so much so that " one day when the House was 
sitting in Committee, in consequence of a violent discus- 
sion, blows were struck, and some members had even 
drawn their swords, Mr. Seymour resumed the chair as 
of right, although contrary to all the usages of Parliament, 
and instantly reduced the House to obedience/'* 

Many other instances of his haughty bearing are related, 
a few of which will suffice to show the intensity of his 
pride and his determination to uphold the dignity of the 
House. On one occasion, when a message was brought 
that the King was sitting on his throne and desired his 
immediate attendance to hear the prorogation of Parlia- 
ment, he refused to leave the chair until the Bill of Supply 
had been returned from the House of Lords, according to 
precedent, and, when warned that His Majesty was both 
impatient and angry, declared that " he would be torn by 
wild horses sooner than quit the chair."* On another 
occasion, when driving through Charing Cross, his carriage 
broke down, upon which he ordered the beadles to stop 
the next gentleman's that passed, and, upon the gentle- 
man's expressing annoyance and surprise at being turned 
out of his own coach, replied in the most dignified manner 
that it was fitter that another should walk the streets than 
the Speaker of the House of Commons. Another time he 
gained much applause in the House by ordering the Mace 
to take Serjeant Pemberton into custody for not paying 
him sufficient respect. " He saw me," said Seymour, 
" and paid me no respect, though I was near him or 
very slightly."* 

That his assumption of extreme authority frequently 
enabled him to influence the decision of the House appears 
to be without a doubt. Burnett, though as an enemy of 
his there may be reasons for regarding his statements as 
somewhat exaggerated, tells us that " he knew the House 
and every man in it so well, that by looking about he 
could tell the fate of any question. So, if any thing was 
put, when the Court party was not well gathered together, 
* Manning's Lives of the Speakers. 



he would have held the House from doing anything, by 
a wilful mistaking or misstating the question. By all that 
he gave time to those who were appointed for that mer- 
cenary work, to go about and gather in all their party. 
And he would discern when they had got the majority. 
And then he would very fairly state the question, when he 
saw he was sure to carry it." # 

In March of this year, when the new Parliament 

assembled, Seymour was again unanimously chosen 
1679. Speaker. He had, however, now quarrelled with 

Danby, and the King and the Court party feared 
that their objects would not be obtained with so power- 
ful and determined a Speaker in the chair, and so 
determined to prevent his election. Seymour himself, at 
first, had declined the proffered honour, urging that " the 
long sittings of the late Parliament had so impaired his 
health, that he doubted he should not be well able 
to undergo the service of the House, as would be 
expected from him." He was, however, earnestly urged 
to accept the position, and finally accepted.* 

The King and the Earl of Danby were determined not 
to approve this choice, and, consequently, when Seymour 
presented himself and announced that he had been elected 
Speaker, the Chancellor, according to his instructions, told 
him that His Majesty intended to reserve him for other 
services and therefore required the Commons to elect 
some one else. Although this refusal had been worded 
with great tact and in the most complimentary terms, 
the Commons saw through the manoeuvre at once and 
became greatly irritated. A discussion immediately took 
place, when Sir John Ernly stood up and said " That he 
had an order from His Majesty to recommend Sir Thomas 
Meers to them to be their Speaker, as a person well 
known in the method of practice of Parliaments, and a 
person that he thought would be very acceptable and 
serviceable to them." This announcement was received 
with angry shouts of " No ! No ! " and amidst the 
* Burnett's Hist, of his Own Times. 

2 9 8 


general tumult that followed, Mr. Sacheverel said that 
" It was never known that a person should be excepted 
against, and no reason at all given," and that " it was done 
purposely, to gratify some particular person." Mr. 
Williams argued that " For above i oo years, it had not 
been known that a Speaker presented was ever excepted 
against ; and the thing itself of presenting him to the 
King, as he humbly conceived, was but a bare compli- 
ment." Sir Thomas Clarges pointed out " That there 
were Parliaments long before there were Speakers chosen ; 
and afterwards, for the ease of the House amongst them- 
selves, they pitched upon a Speaker. All our lives and 
liberties are preserved by this House, therefore we are to 
preserve the liberties of it." Mr. Garraway urged, "If 
Mr. Seymour be rejected, and no reason given, pray 
who must choose a Speaker, the King or we ? It is 
plain not we." Many other members rose, all protesting 
against the King's action, and, after a stormy debate, the 
House adjourned. # 

The following day the Commons sent up a humble 
petition to His Majesty, pointing out that the matter 
seemed to them to be of so great importance that they 
desired that a few days might be given them in which to 
consider the matter, it being impossible for them to come 
to an immediate resolution on the subject. This was on 
a Saturday, and the King consented to allow them till the 
following Tuesday, upon which day they drew up another 
representation, full of expressions of loyalty but firmly 
insisting that it was their undoubted right to elect their 
own Speaker and that, according to this usage, " Mr. 
Seymour was unanimously chosen, upon the consideration 
of his great ability and sufficiency for that place, of which 
we had large experience in the last Parliament," and 
hoping that His Majesty would be pleased to rest satisfied 
with their choice. Charles immediately replied that they 
were but wasting their time, and desired them to return 
and carry out his bidding at once. 

* Grey's Debates, 6, 402. 



The abruptness and incivility of this order did not tend 
to conciliate the House who again sent up a representa- 
tion insisting upon their rights, but, at the same time, 
couched in conciliatory though firm language. Charles, 
rinding himself now in difficulty, adopted his usual course 
when in such circumstances and prorogued Parliament, 
after the Commons had sat for six days without a Speaker. 
The following week they were again summoned, when 
the House, not wishing to delay the business of the 
nation by continuing a struggle with so obstinate a 
Sovereign, elected to compromise matters for the time 
and so chose William Gregory, Serjeant-at-Law, to be 
their Speaker. # 

Seymour thus became once more a private member and 
before long incurred a certain amount of unpopularity, 
by joining with Halifax in strongly opposing the Bill for 
the exclusion of the Duke of York (afterwards James II) 
from the succession to the Crown. In a long and 
obstinate debate upon the subject, after complaining that 
his life had been greatly endangered by the malevolence 
of the Duke's enemies, Seymour said, " Sir, I confess I 
am very much against the bringing in this Bill, for I think 
it a very unfortunate thing, that whereas His Majesty 
hath prohibited but one thing only, that we should so 
soon fall upon it. I do not see there is any cause we 
should fear Popery so much, as to make us run into such 
an extreme. Have we not had great experience of the 
Duke's love for his nation ? Hath he not squared his 
actions by the exactest rules of justice and moderation ? 
Is there not a possibility of being with the Church, and 
not of the Court of Rome ? Hath he not bred up his 
children in the Protestant religion, and showed a great 
respect for all persons of that profession ? Would it 
not be a dangerous thing for him (I mean in point of 
interest) to offer at any such alteration of the religion 
established by us as is needlessly, nay, unjustly appre- 
hended ? Can any man imagine that it can be attempted, 
* Hist. MSS. Comm., 12 Rep. vii, 157. 



without great hazard of destroying both himself and his 
family ? and can so indiscreet an attempt be expected from 
a Prince so abounding in wisdom and prudence ? But 
though we should resolve to have no moderation in our 
proceedings against Papists, yet I hope we shall have some 
for ourselves. It cannot be supposed, that such a law will 
bind all here in England, any in Scotland, and is it not 
disputed, whether it will be binding in Ireland ? so that, 
in all probability, it will not only divide us among our- 
selves, but the three kingdoms one from another, and 
occasion a miserable civil war ; for it cannot be imagined 
that the Duke will submit to it : and to disinherit him for 
his religion, is not only to act according to the Popish 
principles, but to give cause for war with all the Catholic 
princes in Europe : and that must occasion a standing 
army, from which there will be more danger of Popery 
and arbitrary government, than from a Popish successor or 
a Popish King." In spite of his efforts, however, the 
Bill of Exclusion passed the Commons but was eventually 
rejected by the Lords, to the great joy of the King. 

Notwithstanding Seymour had, previous to the bringing 
in of this Bill, rendered himself generally popular by 
being the chief promoter of the Habeas Corpus Act, with 
which his name must ever remain associated, yet the 
majority of the Commons, who had espoused the Bill of 
Exclusion, upon its failure in the Upper House, addressed 
a request to His Majesty that he should remove Lord 
Halifax and Edward Seymour from his Council and 
presence for ever ; the former for having been the chief 
instrument of rejecting the Bill amongst the Lords, and 
the latter for having been active in the same cause in the 
Commons. Failing in this they determined to impeach 
Seymour upon four articles, relative to corruption and 
maladministration in his office as Treasurer of the Navy. # 
This accusation, however, they found it impossible to 
sustain and so the matter subsided, no articles against him 
being ever exhibited in due form. 

* Macpherson's Original Papers, i, 106. 


30 £ 

Although Seymour had taken an active part in uphold- 
ing the Duke of York's right to the succession, he appears 
to have frequently endeavoured to persuade him to change 
his religion so that no obstacle should remain to debar 
him from the people's confidence ; and, when he found 
his persuasions of no avail, he originated a proposal to 
ensure the security of the Protestant religion 

1 68 1. during the reign of the future Catholic King. 
This was that the Prince of Orange should be 

appointed Regent to James, upon the latter's accession. 

The Prince of Orange had already been over to England 
once and he now paid a second visit during the summer 
of this year. During his stay he was invited to dine at 
the Lord Mayor's in the City, an invitation which he 
readily accepted, doubtless remembering the former enter- 
tainment he had had there. The relations between the 
City and the Court were at this time, however, very 
strained, and his acceptance of the former's hospitality 
was likely to cause great annoyance to the King. Hali- 
fax, Hyde, and Seymour, therefore, endeavoured to 
dissuade the Prince from going, but without any effect, 
upon which Seymour posted off to Windsor and per- 
suaded the King to send a letter demanding the Prince's 
immediate attendance, a command which prevented the 
latter from being present at the dinner and so saved a 
probable further quarrel between the City and the Court.* 

The following year Seymour was still associated with 
Halifax whom he supported in his endeavours to 

1682. obtain Monmouth's pardon and restoration to 
favour, but he soon began to draw near to Roches- 

1683. ter, with whose party he generally acted from the 
summer of 1683, when the Privy Seal had been 

given to Halifax, to the disappointment, as some said, 
of Seymour. 

As he had been an enemy to the Exclusion Bill, so, 
upon King James's accession, he was a strenuous 
- > * asserter of his right, and, although he disapproved 
* Macpherson's Original Papers, 1, 125-6. 



of some of the King's measures, yet he deemed nothing 
but a manifest attack upon the religion or liberties of 
the land a sufficient plea for an alteration in his conduct. 
Accordingly he was assiduous against the Duke of Mon- 
mouth and his adherents when they threatened an 

In his speech at the opening of Parliament, King 
James asked to have his revenue settled and continued, 
as it was in the lifetime of his brother. This request was 
unanimously granted, one speech only being made against 
it, by Seymour, in which, however, he did not directly 
oppose the grant but stated that the elections had been 
carried on so much under Court influence, that it was the 
duty of the House to ascertain, first of all, who were the 
legal members, before proceeding to business of importance 
which might affect the laws and religion of the nation.* 

Macaulay, who seems generally inclined to be unjust to 
Seymour, thus describes the scene : — " When in the 
Commons, after the King's speech, it was proposed that 
the House should go into Committee for the purpose of 
settling a revenue on the King, Seymour at once stood up 
to speak. How he stood, looking like what he was, the 
chief of a dissolute and high-spirited gentry, with the 
artificial ringlets clustering in fashionable profusion round 
his shoulders, and a mingled expression of voluptuous- 
ness and disdain in his eye and on his lip, the likenesses of 
him which still remain enable us to imagine. It was 
not, the haughty cavalier said, his wish that the Parliament 
should withhold from the Crown the means of carrying on 
the government. But was there indeed a Parliament ? 
Were there not on the benches many men who had, as all 
the world knew, no right to sit there, many men whose 
elections were tainted by corruption, many men forced by 
intimidation on reluctant voters, and many men returned 
by corporations which had no legal existence ? Had not 
constitutional bodies been remodelled, in defiance of royal 
charters and of immemorial prescription ? Had not 
* Fox's Hist, of the Reign of James II, 147. 



returning officers been everywhere the unscrupulous 
agents of the Court ? Seeing that the very principle of 
representation had been thus systematically attacked, he 
knew not how to call the throng of gentlemen which he 
saw around him by the honourable name of a House of 
Commons. Yet never was there a time when it more 
concerned the public weal that the character of Parlia- 
ment should stand high. Great dangers impended over 
the ecclesiastical and civil constitution of the realm. It 
was a matter of vulgar notoriety, it was a matter which 
required no proof, that the Test Act, the rampart of 
religion, and the Habeas Corpus Act, the rampart of 
liberty, were marked out for destruction. ' Before we 
proceed to legislate on questions so momentous, let us at 
least ascertain whether we really are a legislature. Let 
our first proceedings be to enquire into the manner in 
which the elections have been conducted. And let us 
look to it that the enquiry be impartial. For, if the 
nation shall find that no redress is to be obtained by 
peaceful methods, we may perhaps ere long suffer the 
justice which we refuse to do.' He concluded by moving 
that, before any supply was granted, the House would 
take into consideration petitions against returns, and that 
no member, whose right to sit was disputed, should be 
allowed to vote." 

Amidst a solemn silence, Seymour sat down. Not a 
cheer greeted the close of his fine oration, not a member 
had the courage to second it. What he had said was but 
too true ; the elections had been carried on by the Court 
party in the most unprincipled and scandalous manner, 
and it was but right that the strongest protest should be 
entered against such proceedings. Many of the House 
sympathised with the speech, which voiced their own 
thoughts, but the nominees of the Court were many and 
powerful, and they dared not even applaud a speech with 
which they agreed, and which none of them would 
have dared to make, for fear of the Court's disfavour.* 
* Burnett, 1, 639 ; Evelyn's Diary, 1685 ; Barillon. 



" Haughty," " dissolute," " voluptuous," Seymour may 
have been. It matters not. He was the only man who 
dared, unsupported, to uphold the honour of the House, 
with which was involved the safety of the country and of 
the Protestant religion. 

During the same session, the King demanded, amongst 
other things, a standing army. This led to a heated 
discussion in the House. The courtiers argued, with 
some force, upon the great superiority of a standing 
army to a half-trained militia, asking in a mocking 
manner whether the defence of the country was to be 
entrusted to the Beefeaters, and how the Devonshire 
Militia, which had fled from Monmouth's scythemen, 
would be likely to face the troops of France.* The 
House, however, was not to be taken in by any argu- 
ments. The danger of a standing army in the hands of 
James was too great. "The general feeling," says 
Macaulay, "was expressed by the first of the Tory 
county gentlemen of England, Edward Seymour. He 
admitted that the militia was not in a satisfactory state, 
but maintained that it might be remodelled. The 
remodelling might require money ; but, for his part, 
he would rather give a million to keep up a force from 
which he had nothing to fear, than half a million to keep 
up a force of which he must ever be afraid. Let the 
trained bands be disciplined ; let the navy be strength- 
ened ; and the country would be secure. A standing 
army was at best a mere drain on the public resources. 
The soldier was withdrawn from all useful labour. He 
produced nothing : he consumed the fruits of the 
industry of other men ; and he domineered over those 
by whom he was supported. That the nation was now 
threatened, not only with a standing army, but with a 
Popish standing army, with a standing army officered by 
men who might be very amiable and honourable, but 
who were on principle enemies to the constitution of the 
realm." The debate continued for some time, and, in 
* Macaulay's Hist, of England. 



the end, a supply was granted to the Crown, but a Bill 
was also passed for making the militia more efficient. 

As Seymour had almost prophesied in his speech, it 
soon became apparent that King James was aiming at 
nothing less than the subversion of the Established 
Church. Hitherto Seymour's principles of honour, 
justice, and integrity, which had marked out his plan 
of politics, had led him to support the King as the 
hereditary and rightful head of the constitution, but now 
that the King was preparing to subvert that constitution, 
the same principles caused Seymour to turn against him. 
When he saw that nothing further could be done to 
influence the King in the right direction, he joined with 
others to invite the Prince of Orange to stand between 
the people and the reinstation of Popery. 

On the 15th of November, 1688, in company with 

all the firm churchmen of the adjacent parts, he 
1688. met the Prince of Orange at Exeter, nine days 

after the latter's arrival. For a long time Seymour 
had been the head of the " Western Alliance," a body 
composed of the chief gentry in the west of England, 
and had thus obtained great influence in those parts. 
This now enabled him to take the lead, with the consent 
of the Prince, in causing Articles of Association to be 
drawn up which each had to sign upon joining the party. 
By this means he made more sure of the fidelity of those 
who came in, for, once their signature was appended, it 
was not so easy for them to leave, as they might be 
inclined to do should their project be threatened by 

Seymour was generally looked upon as the most 
important of those who had first come to join the 
Prince. " In birth, in political influence, and in Parlia- 
mentary abilities, he was beyond comparison the foremost 
among the Tory gentlemen of England." It is not 
surprising therefore that William should, on his arrival, 
have commenced to make much of him. His first 
* Burnett's Hist. ; Rapin, 2, 777. 




attempt at flattery, however, was not very successful. 
" I think, Sir Edward," # he said, meaning to be very 
civil, "that you are of the family of the Duke of 
Somerset." " Pardon me, Sir," replied Seymour, who 
never forgot that he was the head of the elder branch, 
" the Duke of Somerset is of my family."t 

Sir Edward's prompt action in forming the Association 
gained him the confidence of William, who made him 
Governor of Exeter, and left him in charge of the 
surrounding district when he himself advanced towards 
London.^ It appears plain, however, from Sir Edward's 
subsequent behaviour, that in taking part with the Prince 
of Orange he had no other intention than that of forcing 
James to adhere to his coronation oath. He had no idea 
of actually dethroning that monarch to put William in his 
place. § 

Even after James's flight he appears still to have been 
prepared to assist in reinstating him, provided 
1689. the security of the constitution and of the 
Protestant religion were assured. This caused 
him to join Rochester in strongly declaring, in the 
Parliament assembled at Westminster, January 22, against 
the vote of the throne's being declared vacant, and the 
motion for filling it with the Prince and Princess of 
Orange. 1 1 This, in all probability, was the reason why 
he was not chosen as Speaker of that Parliament, although 
probably more fitted for that position than any other 
member. As soon, however, as the majority of voices 
had settled the point, he expressed himself as willing to 
adhere to the new order of things. 

In February he urged the House to form themselves 
into a grand committee to discuss the affairs of the nation 
and secure the liberties of the people, before the throne 

* It was just about this time that he succeeded his father. 

t Macaulay's Hist, of England. 

X Harleian Miscellany, 1, 439-440., 

§ Clarendon, State Letters. 

J Rapin, 3, 42. 



should actually be filled. He also protested against 
limiting the duration of Parliaments to three years. On 
the 2nd of March, the new Sovereign having been duly 
installed, he took the oath of allegiance to the new king 
to the great joy of all the Court at receiving so great an 
accession of strength.* He declared also in the House 
that, though he had not taken part in the setting up of 
the new government, he was prepared now to give it his 
cordial support in all that might be necessary for the paci- 
fication of Ireland, t 

Soon afterwards Sir Edward again came forward in 
defence of his old ally, Halifax, in the House of 
Commons. On this occasion John Hampden had made 
a very bitter speech, attacking Lord Halifax and ascribing 
all the disasters of the year to him and the others who 
had, in the days of the Exclusion Bill, attempted to 
negotiate between William and James, and demanding 
the exclusion from the King's councils and presence of 
the three noblemen who had been sent to him at 
Hungerford. Upon this Seymour rose and declared that, 
much as he disapproved of the manner in which the 
administration had lately been conducted, he was unable 
to concur in the vote which Hampden had proposed. 
" Look where you will," he said, " to Ireland, to Scotland, 
to the navy, to the army, you will find abundant proofs 
of mismanagement. If the war is still to be conducted 
by the same hands, we can expect nothing but a recur- 
rence of the same disasters. But I am not prepared to 
proscribe men for the best thing that ever they did in 
their lives, to proscribe men for attempting to avert a 
revolution by timely mediation. "J 

In November we find him proposing and the Commons 
resolving that an address should be presented to His 
Majesty " that he will please to issue out a proclama- 
tion for the apprehending Colonel Ludlow, who stands 

* Journals of the House of Commons ; Letter from Ronguillo. 

t Grey's Debates, June 22, 1689. 

X Macaulay's Hist., iii, 515 ; Boyer's Life of William. 

X 2 

3 o8 


attainted of high treason, by Act of Parliament, for the 
murder of King Charles I ; and that he will please to 
propose a reward to such as shall apprehend him." # 
Whether he was obliged to make this proposition, or 
not, in the course of his duty as leader of his party, we 
cannot now determine ; but it seems unfortunate that 
he should have appeared as prime mover in the matter, 
for the fact of his having previously received a consider- 
able portion of Colonel Ludlow's forfeited estates in 
Wilts, has since given rise to the accusation that he 
was determined to drive their former owner out of the 
country, f 

Early in March, 1692, Sir Edward was made a Privy 
Councillor and appointed a Lord of the Treasury. 
1692. (Note 97.) This greatly annoyed many of his 
Tory followers, who had looked upon him as 
their leader in a war against placemen and Dutchmen, 
nor did it give him any satisfaction, as his pride was 
sorely wounded by finding that, at the Board of Treasury, 
he would have to sit below Richard Hampden. This at 
first he flatly refused to do, but was eventually mollified 
by being given a seat in the Cabinet, and by a special 
recommendation to the Queen. " I bring you," said 
King William, "a gentleman who will, in my absence, 
be a valuable friend."^ 

During this year many earnest debates took place in 
the Commons as to the events of the war on land and sea, 
and frequent complaints were made as to the preference 
given to aliens over Englishmen in the various commands. 
Seymour's love for foreigners had never been great ; in 
fact, hitherto, he had not troubled to conceal his aversion 
to them. On this occasion, however, he did not hesitate 
to take their part. " I have no love," he said, " for 
foreigners as foreigners : but we have no choice. Men 
are not born generals : nay, a man may be a very valu- 

* Journals, House of Commons ; Guthrie ; Rapin. 
t Ludlow, Memoirs, 1894, ii, 511. 
t Macaulay's Hist., iv, 185. 



able captain or major, and not be equal to the conduct 
of an army. Nothing but experience will form great 
commanders. Very few of our countrymen have that 
experience ; and therefore we must for the present 
employ strangers."* 

In March, 1694, Sir Edward lost his place through 
the formation of a Whig ministry, and was never 
1694. more employed during that reign, for the 
remainder of which he continued to be the 
leader of the Tories and the most formidable opponent 
of the Whigs. During the debates in Parliament he did 
not confine his censures to the ministers only, but seized 
every opportunity of reflecting on the King ; but with 
such caution, and in such ambiguous terms, as to evade 
the possibility of impeachment. For instance, he did 
not in plain words call him a usurper, but he openly 
disputed his title of " rightful and lawful king." 

During the same year both the people and the Parliament 
were thrown into a great state of excitement by a rumour 
that arose, that the two great corporations, the City of 
London and the East India Company, had bribed and 
corrupted many of the great men in the Commons. 
Soon afterwards the names of Trevor, Seymour, and 
Leeds were freely mentioned as amongst those who had 
received the largest sums. These three being perhaps 
the most important and influential persons amongst the 
Tories, their opponents now saw a great chance of dealing 
a crushing blow at that party, and prepared to take full 
advantage of it. Wharton was especially busy in the 
matter, stirring up his friends to demand an official 
inquiry into the matter, but, before their plans were 
perfected, the subject was brought before the House in 
an unexpected manner. t 

It appears that one day, while a Bill of little interest 
was being discussed, the postman arrived, and members 
hurried to the Bar to receive their letters, during the 

* Macaulay's Hist., iv, 302. 
t Macaulay's Hist., iv, 548. 


distribution of which the noise of their conversation 
almost drowned the voices of the members who were 
speaking. Seymour, who was always very punctilious 
that the rules of the House should be rigidly adhered 
to, called upon the Speaker to reprimand such members 
as were responsible for the disturbance ; upon which 
an angry discussion arose in which one of the offenders, 
stung by Seymour's remarks, made a pointed allusion 
to the rumours that were current. " It is," he said, " un- 
doubtedly improper to talk while a Bill is under dis- 
cussion ; but it is much worse to take money for getting 
a Bill passed. If we are extreme to mark a slight breach 
of form, how ought we to deal with that corruption which 
is eating away the very substance of our institutions ? " 
This speech brought about a most stormy debate, which 
was frequently interrupted by loud cries of " The Tower ! " 
and which ended in Wharton carrying his point of having 
an immediate and searching inquiry.^ 

Trevor was found to have taken money right and left 
and was compelled to leave the House. No proof, how- 
ever, could be discovered against Seymour, t but he 
continued to be suspected, and by almost every historian 
is suspected still, for the tongue of slander once let loose 
never fails to leave some stain upon its victim. There 
appears no doubt that heavy bribes were offered to 
Seymour, but, according to the depositions of Sir Basil 
Firebrass and others, he had steadfastly refused to accept 

During the elections that followed soon afterwards, the 
Whigs were nearly everywhere triumphant, so much so 
that they were emboldened to put forward candidates for 
even the strongest Tory seats. Seymour's seat at Exeter 
had, hitherto, been held unassailable, but his popularity 
had suffered through the allegations brought against his 

* L'Hermitage, March, 1695; Journals of the House of 

t Journals, House of Commons, March 12 ; Vernon to Lex- 
ington ; Burnett, ii, 145. 


honour, and two strong candidates were brought forward 
against him. The contest, one of the longest and fiercest 
in history, not only attracted the attention of the whole 
kingdom, but was deemed of such importance that even 
foreign governments watched it with interest. The poll 
remained open for five weeks, during the whole of which 
time the freemen of Exeter were feasted at the expense 
of the rival candidates. Eating, drinking, and brawling 
took up so much of the electors' time that it was not till the 
last day that the votes had come in, in sufficient quantities 
to show who was the victor. In the end Seymour was 
defeated after one of the most exciting, and probably the 
most expensive contests of the age.* 

The borough of Totnes, however, still remained open 
for him, so that his defeat did not cost him his seat 
in Parliament, where he continued to be as active 

1697. as ever. In 1697, he advanced the sum of 
;£ 10,000 to the Treasury, t and, at the opening 

of Parliament, urged the House to postpone the question 
of supply until the King's speech had been thoroughly 
discussed. Later on in the same year he made a long 
speech in defence of Sir John Fenwick, which failed to 
effect his purpose, but which was remarkable from the 
number of quotations it contained from ancient history. 
Much of this oration was in Latin.^ 

During the elections of the following year he was 
•returned member for Exeter by a large majority, 

1698. although he took but little trouble in the contest, 
and, in fact, was absent most of the time.§ 

During the session of this year he advocated reducing 
the Civil List to the former amount of j£6oo,ooo.|| 
j6 qq I n I ^99, Sir Edward's son was killed in a duel 
by Captain Kirke, and the loss seems to have affected 

* Macaulay's Hist., iv, 617 •> L'Hermitage Despatches. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Oldmixon, iii, 153, 159. 

§ Macaulay's Hist., v, 129. 

il Diet. Nat. Biog. 



him so seriously that, for a time, he could think of nothing 
but revenge. So deep did this feeling become that 
he even forgot his usual punctilious observance of 
forms, and so far forgot himself as to appear in 
Westminster Hall whilst it was being deliberated 
whether Kirke should be brought to immediate trial or 
released on bail, and deliver an harangue against stand- 
ing armies. " Here," he said, " is a man who lives on 
money taken out of our pockets. The plea set up for 
taxing us in order to support him is that his sword protects 
us, and enables us to live in peace and security. And is 
he to be suffered to use that sword to destroy us ? " # 
This oration does not appear to have affected the case, 
for Kirke was eventually found guilty of manslaughter 
only ; but, however much we must blame Seymour for his 
unwarrantable interference in a Court of Justice, some 
palliation is to be found in the severe loss he had 
just sustained, which aggravated, to an extent that almost 
became a mania for the time, his hatred of a standing 

During this same year he led the many attacks that 
were made in the Commons upon Somers and 

1700. the Dutch favourites, and in the following spring 
was the chief promoter and manager of the Re- 
sumption Bill. 

On the prorogation of this Parliament, in April, he 
went to Kensington to take leave of the King. At this 
time he appears to have been confident of a political 
reaction which would place his party in power, for, when 
William told him that he would think no more of the 
past, hoping that they might be better friends in future, 
Seymour abruptly answered, <c I doubt it not."t 

In the new Parliament which met in this year, Seymour 
showed himself willing to give the King every 

1 701. assistance towards commencing a fresh campaign. 
This new attitude of his is to be attributed to 

* Macaulay's Hist., v, 242. 

t Bonnet's Despatch, ap. Ranke, v, 214. 



the recognition of the Pretender by the King of France, 
which made an invasion of England once more appear 
within the bounds of possibility. 

On the accession of Queen Anne, who at that time 
showed a great partiality for the Tory party, Sir 
1702. Edward became a great favourite and his influence 
increased considerably. On the meeting of the 
first Parliament in this reign he drew the attention of 
the House to the fact that the new East India Company 
had bought several seats at the elections and demanded 
an inquiry, as a result of which his charges were fully 
proved, and not only were several seats declared void 
but some few members were even imprisoned. # 

On the 14th of April, he was appointed Comptroller 
of the Household. On the 17th he was admitted into 
the Privy Council, and, in May, he was made Ranger of 
Windsor Forest. The Queen's intention to distinguish 
him from the rest of the party, in a peculiar manner, 
was visible in nothing more than in the offer of a peer- 
age, with which Her Majesty complimented him soon 
after. This offer he declined, in his own person, as he 
saw a great probability of the Dukedom of Somerset 
reverting to his descendants by his first marriage ; but 
he accepted it in the person of his eldest surviving son 
by his second marriage. 

During the dependance of the Bill against occasional 
conformity, which was the first measure that effectually 
disunited the Tories in this reign, Sir Edward was a 
warm friend of that Bill ; but he concurred in all 
measures for securing the Protestant succession. He 
also begged permission to bring in Bills for resuming all 
the grants made in the late reign and for applying them 
to the public use. These Bills miscarried through the 
influence of the Whigs, who were daily gaining ground. 
After this he became the champion of the Tories and 
made it a point to harass the ministers and clog their 
measures ; so much so, that the Queen's resentment was 
* Burnett's Hist, of his Own Times, iv, 463. 



at last aroused and he was in consequence dis- 
' 4" missed from office in April, i 704. 

During his attendance upon Parliament afterwards, he 
still continued the steady patriot (Note 98) ; but it 
was not long before he retired to his seat at 
1708. Maiden Bradley, where he died on February 17, 
1708. (Note 99.) It is said that his death was 
accelerated by a fright he received from an old woman 
who gained admittance to his house and assaulted him in 
his study, during the absence of the household at some 
neighbouring fair.* 

" Of the character of Sir Edward Seymour," says 
Mr. Manning in his Lives of the Speakers, "we have 
several versions, all pretty well comparing in general 
points. Mr. Noble, in his continuation of Grainger, 
describes him as c a man of morose disposition, but of 
great good sense, invincible obstinacy, and incorruptible 
integrity, feared more than loved, and respected more 
than esteemed/ The wags were pleased when they 
could annoy this impersonation of pride and haughtiness. 
One gave him a petition, of no moment, to present to 
the House ; Seymour took it from his pocket with his 
accustomed gravity, and putting on his spectacles, began 
to read : — c The humble petition of Oliver Cromwell — 
the devil ! ' The laugh was so loud and long, that the 
old man, throwing down the paper, hastened from the 
House, confused, and in wrath at the insult to his 
dignity." His pride indeed rivalled, if it did not excel, 
that of Charles, Duke of Somerset, who lived during the 
same time, and it frequently led him into unnecessary 
if not foolish actions. Thus we are told that when 
summoned to the Privy Council by Charles, he walked 
to the head of the room, and, leaning over that King, 
"whispered too audibly, that he should not prevaricate 
with himself." And, that "hardened in his pride by 
age, he treated William III with the airs of an equal, if 
not a superior, and when dismissed from his place ot 
* Rapin's Hist., 1751, iv, 65. 




Comptroller of the Household by Anne, sent word that 
he would return his staff by the common carrier."* 

But it is not by his exhibitions of an overwhelming 
pride that we must judge him. "Every Englishman," 
continues Mr. Manning, " though he laughs at his 
peculiarities, must love his virtues, and venerate him as 
the man to whom we are principally indebted for the 
Habeas Corpus Act. Temperate in the use of wealth, he 
was frugal, yet liberal in his expenditure, nor did he 
enrich himself and his family as he might have done. 
Proud of his ancestry, and haughty as he was, yet he 
would not accept a Barony from Queen Anne ; but 
he permitted the eldest son of his second marriage to take 
the title of Conway, whose descendants now possess one 
of the old Seymour titles, the Marquisate of Hertford. 
In private life he was worthy if not amiable ; true to 
his two wives, and to his children careful, if not kind ; 
to his tenants and attendants, a good, though not a 
bountiful, landlord and master." 

One serious allegation has continually been made, and 
will doubtless continue to be made, against his honour. 
This was the accusation of his having received large 
bribes from the East India Company. Such an imputa- 
tion, however, will scarcely be credited by any fair-minded 
person in view of the facts, as far as these can now be 
examined. A full inquiry was, at the time, held upon 
the matter and he was acquitted of the charge by a House 
of Commons, of whom perhaps the greater part may be 
said to have been against him, and the depositions of the 
witnesses examined showed that he had rejected all such 
offers of money. Had he accepted large sums, he must 
have had something to show for them, yet we are told 
that he was frugal in his expenditure and that, at his death, 
his fortune was found to be much of the same value as 
when he inherited it. " Sir Edward Seymour," we read 
in Collins's Peerage, " though he inherited a large pater- 
nal estate, though he married two wives, with considerable 
* Hist, of the House of Commons, Townsend. 



portions each, though he had enjoyed lucrative appoint- 
ments almost from his very youth, and though he lived 
without profuseness but with as much economy as 
splendour ; yet the personal estate, which he left at 
his death, and the real ones which he had purchased, 
did not amount near to what a person of the strictest 
probity might have, without blemish, added to his patri- 
monial fortune." 

It seems indeed probable that Seymour may have been 
a loser in the end by his transactions with the govern- 
ment, for in 1696, he gave considerable assistance to the 
Treasury out of his own private means and does not 
appear to have ever been repaid. We read, "The 
finances of the country were never so low and hopeless 
as in 1696. The ordinary resources of revenue were 
exhausted. The public servants did not know where to 
look for their next quarter's salary. The King was bent 
upon a compulsory clause for bringing in of plate ; and 
the Exchequer was as thankful as any private bankrupt 
for the smallest contribution. Sir Edward Seymour lent 
it — ;£ 10,000 in money, and offered to furnish £10,000 in 
cattle to the victuallers."* Is it likely that a man who 
would thus sacrifice his private fortune in the assistance 
of his country, would stoop to accept bribes offered him 
by wealthy corporations for furthering their Bills ? Let 
the reader judge for himself. 

Sir Edward Seymour was twice married ; first to 
Margaret, daughter of Sir William Wale, knight, of 
London ; secondly to Letitia, daughter of Francis 
Popham, Esquire, of Littlecote, in Wilts. By the former 
he had two sons — 

Sir Edward Seymour, who succeeded him, and of 

whom we shall speak later. 
William Seymour, who entered the army at an early 

age. January 1, 1692, he received a commission 

* Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1841 ; Letters Illus. of the Reign 
of William III, by J. Vernon. 


From a Picture at KnoyU\ by hind permission of Mrs. Alii id Soy mom. 



as Major and Captain of a company in the 2nd 
Regiment of Foot Guards, " the Coldstreamers," 
and was permitted to take rank as the youngest 
Lieutenant-Colonel of Foot. # During the same 
year he was captured by a French privateer. On 
his release he obtained the command of Cutts's 
Regiment, which he commanded with great dis- 
tinction at the siege of Namur, and at Landen, 
where he was wounded, July, 1693.! July 18, 
1698, he was appointed to the command of a 
regiment of Marines. J In 1702, he served as 
Brigadier under the Duke of Ormond, in the 
expedition to Cadiz. In 1706, he was appointed 
Major-General of Marines^ and Lieutenant- 
General of the forces. (Note 100.) He died, 
unmarried, February 9, 1728. 

By the latter he had six sons and one daughter — 

Popham Conway Seymour, who was killed by 
Captain Kirke in a duel, June, 1699. The duel 
is supposed to have originated by one of them 
calling the other a coxcomb for wearing red-heeled 
shoes. Macaulay, however, gives a different 
account : — " Conway Seymour had lately come of 
age. He was in possession of an independent 
fortune of £7,000 a year, which he lavished in 
costly fopperies. The town had nicknamed him 
c Beau Seymour.' He was displaying his curls 
and his embroidery in St. James's Park on a 
midsummer evening, after indulging too freely in 
wine, when a young officer of the Blues, named 
Kirke, who was as tipsy as himself, passed near 
him. ' There goes Beau Seymour,' said Kirke. 
Seymour flew into a rage. Angry words were 

* State Papers, William and Mary. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. ; D'Auvergne, Campaigns in Flanders, 1693, 
p. 90. 

X Treasury Papers. 



exchanged between the foolish boys. They 
immediately went beyond the precincts of the 
Court, drew, and exchanged some passes. Seymour 
was wounded in the neck. The wound was not 
very serious ; but, when his cure was only half 
completed, he revelled in fruit, ice, and burgundy, 
till he threw himself into a violent fever. Though 
a coxcomb and a voluptuary, he seems to have had 
some fine qualities. On the last day of his life he 
saw Kirke. Kirke implored forgiveness ; and the 
dying man declared he forgave as he hoped to be 
forgiven." By his death the Conway estates 
devolved upon his brother Francis. 

Francis Seymour, who was created Baron Conway, 
March 17, 1702. In 1750, he was created Earl 
of Hertford, and afterwards Marquis of Hertford 
and Earl of Yarmouth. (Appendix M.) He 
died in 1794. From him are descended the sub- 
sequent Marquises of Hertford. 

Charles Seymour. 

Henry Seymour, who entered the army as a Captain 
but died young. 

Alexander Seymour, who died young. 

John Seymour, who became a Colonel in the army, 
and was appointed Governor of Maryland. # 

Anne Seymour, who married William Berkeley, 
Esquire, of Pill, in Somerset, and was mother to 
Henry William Berkeley, Esquire, who, by Act 
of Parliament, assumed the name of Portman, 
and was member of Parliament for Somerset, in 

[Boyer's Annals of Anne ; Collins's Peerage ; G. E. C. Peerage ; 
Macaulay's History of England ; State Papers, William and 
Mary; 'Treasury Papers; Bulstrode Papers, Nov. 1667; 
Wyon's History of Queen Anne ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Letters 

* Treasury Papers. 



Illustrative of the Reign of William III, by Vernon ; 
Eachard's History of England ; D'Auvergne, Campaigns in 
Flanders, 1693; Luttrell's Brief Historical Narration ; Rapin's 
History .; Ranke's History ; Townsend's History of the 
House of Commons ; Evelyn's Diary ; Reresby s Diary ; 
Hist. MSS. Commission, 7th and 12th Rep.; Manning's 
Lives of the Speakers ; Coxe s Life of Marlborough ; Christie's 
Life of Shaftesbury; Ludlow's Memoirs; Dalton's English 
Army Lists ; Grey's Debates ; Burnett's History of his Own 
Times ; Cook's History of Parties ; Harleian Miscellany ; 
Clarendon, State Letters; Fox's History, James II; Mac- 
pherson's Original Papers ; Parliamentary History ; State 
Papers, Charles II, &c.J 




Although eldest son of so great a man as Sir Edward 
Seymour, the 4th Baronet, Edward does not appear to 
have possessed an ambition equal to that of his father. His 
brothers, as we have seen, almost all entered the military 
profession, and those of them who attained manhood made 
some name for themselves. Edward Seymour, however, 
was cast in a different mould, and appears to have pre- 
ferred a peaceable retreat at Maiden Bradley to the invidi- 
ous situation of those who moved in a more exalted 
sphere. He took little or no part in the public trans- 
actions of the time, and, in consequence, there is but little 
that is recorded about him. 

On the death of his father he made his appearance in 
the House of Commons, being returned by the 
1708. borough of Totnes, and in 17 10 and 1713 he 
served as member for Great Bedwyn. # A Parlia- 
17 13. mentary career, however, seems to have had but 
little attraction for him. He took no part in any 
debates and appears to have seldom attended the sittings 
of the House. After the Parliament of 17 13, he did not 
seek re-election but retired to Maiden Bradley, where he 
spent the remainder of his years in the ordinary pursuits 
of a country gentleman. He died at that residence, 
December 29, 1740, at the age of 80 or thereabouts, t 

He had married Letitia, sole daughter of Sir Francis 
Popham, of Littlecote, Knight of the Bath, and niece to 
his father's second wife. She died in 1738. By her he 
had numerous issue — 

* British Pari. Regist., 49. 
t Collins's Peerage. 

From a pot trait at Knoyle, by kind permission of Mrs. Alfred Seym our. 



Edward Seymour, who became 8th Duke of Somer- 
set, and of whom we will speak later. 

Francis Seymour, of Sherbourne, Dorset, who 
married Elizabeth, the dowager Lady Hinchin- 
broke, mother to John, Earl of Sandwich, and 
daughter of Alexander Popham, Esquire, of 
Littlecote, by whom he had issue two sons : 
Henry, who married Caroline, only daughter of 
William, Earl Cowper, July 24, 1753, and 
Francis, who died an infant. He had also one 
daughter, Mary, who married John Bailey, of 
Sutton, in Somerset, November 30, 1758. He 
was elected member for Bedwin, in 1727, and for 
Marlborough, in 1734. He died in December, 
1 76 1. 

Alexander Seymour, who died unmarried, April, 

William Seymour, of Knoyle, in Wilts, who married 

Elizabeth, daughter and heir of — Hippye, of 

Frome, in Somerset. 
Letitia Seymour, who married John Gapper, Esquire, 

of Wincaunton, in Somerset. 
Margaret Seymour, who married Richard Jones, 

Esquire, of Ramsbury, in Wilts. 
Elizabeth Seymour, who married Henry Hungerford, 

Esquire, of Fiefield, in Wilts. 
Anne Seymour, who married William Scroggs, 

Esquire, of Chute Lodge, in Wilts. 
Helena Seymour, who died unmarried. 
Mary Seymour, who married the Rev. Mr. 


Jane Seymour, who married William Colman, 

Esquire, of Gornhey, Devon. 
Catherine Seymour, who married John Philip Fuhr, 

of Bristol, a Hamburgh merchant. 





Edward Seymour was born in December, 1694. 
There appears to be no record of his earlier 
1694. life, nor does he appear to have taken any active 
part in the politics and government of the time. 
When 22 years of age he married Mary, daughter of 
Daniel Webb, Esq., of Monkton Farley, in 
1 7 16. Wilts, the niece and heiress of William Somner, 
Esq., of Seend, near the Devizes. 
In 1 741 he served in Parliament as one of the repre- 
sentatives for Salisbury, but appears to have 
1 74 1. retired after the death of his wife, not very long 

After her decease, Lord Aylesbury and other friends en- 
deavoured to persuade Seymour's father that a marriage 
should be proposed between Edward Seymour and the 
Duke of Somerset's eldest daughter, apparently in the 
hope that the match would be the means of keeping a 
portion of the Seymour estates in the Seymour family, 
the Duke having no son living and the estates being at 
his absolute disposal. (Note 101.) It was thought that 
the Duke would favour such an alliance, seeing that by 
Lord Beauchamp's death, without issue, the title must 
devolve upon Edward Seymour. Nothing, however, 
came of this idea ; nor is it to be wondered at when we 
remember that, however much the Duke might have 
favoured such a scheme, he could not well suggest it, 
and Sir Edward Seymour's pride would never have 
permitted him to take the initiative, as it was impossible 
for him to forget that he was the head of the Seymours, 


VIII. D*k, j &n**r«ri- 


From a Picture at Knoyle, hy kind permission ,>/ M' v. Alfred Seymour. 



whilst the Duke was but the younger branch of the 

Edward Seymour was on his road to town when the 
news of the decease of the Duke arrived. He 

1749. was playing chess, when the innkeeper entered to 
congratulate him on his accession to the title. 

To this, however, Sir Edward paid no attention, and 
completed his game without a single word or sign. The 
next day, on his way to town, he met Lord Holland, on 
horseback, who rode up to the carriage, and, speaking 
through the window, strongly urged him to claim the 
title at once. This Seymour proceeded to do ; but it 
was not without some difficulty that he established his 
claim to the Dukedom, for, though the matter appeared 
clear enough in the eyes of the law, there were many, in 
high places, who would gladly have seen the Seymour 
family removed from the House of Lords and their 
power and prestige lowered in the eyes of the world. 
For this purpose one or more claimants were produced 
and a good deal of underhand intrigue carried on. 
(Appendix N.) The claimants, however, being unable to 
uphold their false position, eventually retired from 

1750. the field, and the enemies of the family found 
it beyond their power to delay or prevent 

justice being done. Seymour's right to the succession 
was proved by Sir Dudley Rider, Attorney-General, 
and a report was made to His Majesty, whereupon, 
November 25, 1750, he was summoned to the House 
of Peers, f 

The following year he acted as chief mourner at the 
funeral of Frederick, Prince of Wales, April 13, 

I 75 I - I 75 I - .In 1 75 2 > February 11, he obtained a 
grant of the offices of Warden and Chief Justice 

1752. in Eyre of all His Majesty's forests, parks, 
chases, and warrens beyond Trent ; and was 

* Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset, 
t Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by 11th Duke of Somerset; 
Collins's Peerage. 

V 2 

3 2 4 


also constituted Lord Lieutenant of the county of 

He died at Maiden Bradlev on the 12th of 
,:>l ' December, 1757, leaving the following issue : — 

Edward Seymour, 9th Duke of Somerset, of whom 
we will speak later. 

Webb Seymour, 10th Duke of Somerset, of whom 
we will speak later. 

William Seymour, born February 12, 17 19. He 
studied the law as a member of the Inner Temple, 
and was called to the Bar in 1744. 

Francis Seymour, born August 25, 1726. He 
became Vicar of Wantage in Berks, Canon of 
Windsor, Dean of Wells, and Chaplain-in-Ordin- 
ary to His Majesty. On the 24th October, 1749, 
he married Catharine, daughter of the Rev. — 
Payne, of Holme-Lacy, in Hereford, and sister 
to the Countess Dowager of Northampton. By 
her he had issue, viz., Mary Seymour, born at 
Salisbury, October 5, 1 75 1 ; Edward Seymour, 
born at Milford, near Sarum, February 14, 1754 ; 
Francis-Compton Seymour, born at Easterton, 
near Market-Lavington, January 28, 1755 ; 
Catharine Seymour, born at Cliff-Hall, near 
Market-Lavington, November 1, 1756 ; Fanny 
Seymour, born at Bath, April 11, 1761. 

Mary Seymour, born May 15, 1729. On October 
20, 1759, she married Vincent Biscoe, Esquire, 
of Austin-Friers. She died of small-pox at 
Seend, July 21, 1762, leaving issue a daughter, 
Mary, born August 30, 1760 ; and a son, 
Joseph Seymour Biscoe, born September 5, 176 1 . 

* Collins's Peerage. 


From a portrait at Stover in the possession of H. St. Maur, Esqr. 




Edward Seymour was born January 2, 1717, and 
succeeded his father to the title December 1 2, 
1 71 7. 1757. About this time he formed an attachment 
to the Lady Dungarven which appeared to be 
1757. reciprocated. There was, however, a consider- 
able delay in the arrangements for the match, 
owing to many difficulties and arguments with her trustee 
as to the settlements ; but these appeared to have 
eventually been practically overcome, for the settlement 
deeds were drawn up and had been seen and approved 
by both parties. Suddenly, however, the lady changed 
her mind and admitted a new attachment and a deter- 
mination to marry the Lord Bruce.* 

Whether this disappointment seriously affected the 
Duke or not we cannot tell, but certain it is that he took 
no further active part in politics, but settled down to 
lead a quiet and retired life at Maiden Bradley, seldom 
leaving the seclusion of this country seat for any purpose. 

For several years before his death, which took 
1792. place January 2, 1792, he shut himself up even 
more closely and developed such a curious and 
extraordinary dread of the small-pox that it amounted 
almost to a mania. (Note 102.) He never would touch 
a letter, but made a servant open it and hold it up 
against a glass window, through which he read it.* 

He carried the orb at the coronation of George II, 
who made him a Privy Councillor, and attended his 
funeral, in 1760, as principal supporter to the Duke of 

* Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 




Cumberland, the chief mourner. In 1783 he was 
fortunate enough to receive a pension of £1,200 a year 
from the King. # (Note 103.) 

It will be remembered that, at the commencement of 
the book, mention was made of a branch of the St. 
Maur family which was still in existence in France in 
1800, and is believed to exist there still. In 1783 the 
head of this branch wrote to the Duke of Somerset, 
desiring to find out particulars and proofs which might 
show him to be a member of the Seymour, or rather St. 
Maur, family. (Appendix O.) The Duke was able, 
after some researches, to satisfy him to some extent on 
this point. 

Owing to the seclusion and retirement of his life in 
the country, where he kept but few servants and did no 
entertaining, his fortune, which at first had been but 
small, gradually increased, and, with the aid of a careful 
and skilful management such as he exercised, became 
more fitted to his position. He died unmarried. 

* Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. 


From a Portrait at Bulstroie, by kind permission of the Lady Gwendolen Ramsden. 




Webb Seymour was born November 22, 1 7 1 8, and when 
quite young inherited his grandfather's seat at Monkton 

In 1 75 1 he was made a Justice of the Peace for the 
county of Wilts, and in 1754 was admitted to the freedom 
of the city of Taunton. 

In 1765, December 1 1, he married Mary Anne, daughter 
and heiress of John Bonnel, Esquire, of Stanton Court, 
Oxfordshire, who died July 22, 1802, having borne him 
four sons, only two of whom, however, survived ; the 
others, it is said, having died more on account of the 
excess of care which she lavished upon them than from 
any inherent weakness. 

He succeeded to the title of Duke of Somerset in 1792, 
but only held it for a year, dying in 1793. His sons 
were : — 

Edward Seymour, who died young. 

Webb Seymour, who died young. 

Edward Adolphus Seymour, who became the 11th 

Duke of Somerset, and of whom we will speak 


Webb John Seymour, of whom we will speak next. 




Lord Webb Seymour was born in the spring of 1777. 
He commenced his education at the school of Ramsbury, 

in Wiltshire, whence he went to Christchurch, 
1794. Oxford, where he began to reside in 1794.* " It 

was not long after this time that his character 
developed itself into a steadiness of purpose and an 
unshaken determination to cultivate his mind according 
to a preconceived scheme of improvement, rare in a 
young man of his rank, and much more so at that time 
than in the present age."* He adopted a plan, which 
even the studious and reading men of the University 
seldom thought it necessary to pursue. He resolutely 
declined all invitations, and during the whole of his 
residence at college was never seen at a wine party. 
" Such a course," says Mr. Hallam, " whatever in this 
more studious age may be thought, brought down at that 
time on his head the imputation of great singularity ; 
but his remarkable urbanity of manners, and the entire 
absence of affectation, preserved to him the respect and 
regard of those from whose society he thus seemed to 
withdraw. The reason which Lord Webb gave for thus 
sacrificing all convivial intercourse was characteristic of 
his modesty. He felt, he said, that his parts were slow ; 
that he acquired knowledge with less facility than many of 
his contemporaries ; and that he could* not hope to com- 
pass the objects which he had in view, if he gave up the 
evening hours, as was then customary, to the pleasures of 

" Lord Webb Seymour was neither a very good scholar, 
in the common sense of the word, nor by any means the 

* Biog. Not. of Lord Webb Seymour, by H. Hallam, in Life 
and Correspondence of F. Horner, 1853. 


From ,i bust at Bulstrode, by kind permission tf tin- Lady Gwendolen A'« msden. 



contrary. He knew well, on every subject, what he knew 
at all, and his character rendered him averse to spread his 
reading over a large surface. He read slowly and care- 
fully, possibly too much so ; but on this account he 
forgot little, he was by this means uninformed on many 
subjects of general literature. But his peculiar quality 
was the love of truth, and, as is perhaps the case with all 
true lovers, he loved that mistress the more in proportion 
as she was slow in favouring his suit. It was said of him 
that he would rather get at anything by the longest 
process ; and, in fact, not having a quick intuition, and 
well knowing that those who decide instantly are not apt 
to understand what they decide, he felt a reluctance to 
acquiesce in what the world calls a common-sense view of 
any philosophical question." 

At first Lord Webb attached himself to the study of 
anatomy and chemistry and fitted up a laboratory in his 
rooms for the study of the latter science, but his ambition 
soon went further. After acquiring a considerable know- 
ledge of physical history and philosophy, he became 
engrossed in metaphysical theories.* 

In these pursuits, which he shared with a few friends, 
Lord Webb passed his time at college till the end 
1797. of 1797, when he was seized with the desire of 
spending a few years at the University at Edin- 
burgh, being attracted by its high reputation for moral and 
physical philosophy.* 

" It was not long after his settling at Edinburgh that 
he became intimate with Mr. Horner, as well as 
1800. with other individuals of a remarkable constella- 
tion who illustrated that city ; especially Dr. 
Thomas Brown and Mr. Playfair. Under the auspices 
of the latter he carried on his enquiries in geology ; a 
science then hardly more than nascent, and to which Lord 
Webb's attention had been drawn during his residence at 
Oxford. He travelled in company with Mr. Playfair on 
several occasions over a great part of Scotland, and some- 
* Biog. Not. of Lord Webb Seymour, by H. Hallam. 



times in England. Mr. Playfair became also the instructor 
of Lord Webb in mathematics, to which he addicted 
himself for some years with great assiduity, and not 
without injury to his health. " # 

During the next few years he became a most intimate 
friend of Mr. Horner. " Both ardent in their cultivation 
of natural philosophy, and deep in metaphysical enquiry, 
they read Bacon together, and compared their notes on 
every branch of study. The slowness of Lord Webb's 
mind, no doubt, gave greater depth and accuracy to Mr. 
Horner's researches, while Mr. Horner's greater activity 
stimulated and quickened that of Lord Webb."f 

His Lordship stood aloof from public affairs, not from 
a want of interest but from a natural reserve coupled with 
ill-health and a feeble constitution which showed him but 
too plainly that it was not for him to enter the arena of 
political and party strife. f He did not, however, forget 
for a moment the duty he owed to his country when the 
latter was in danger, and, when an invasion of 
1803. England was threatened by Bonaparte, he imme- 
diately left his studies, his associates, and the quiet 
life he loved, and for which only was he by nature fitted, 
to join a battalion of volunteers in Devonshire, which 
before long he was selected to command.^ 

During his residence in that county he lived at 
Torquay, and spent such time as could be spared from 
his military duties in studying the geology of the country. 
At the end of two years, however, the scare of invasion 
being over and the country being once more secure, he 
gave up his appointment and returned to Edinburgh.^ 

A change, however, had come over him. Hitherto he had 
been a very active man and a great walker, following 
1805. his studies of geology in the field and thinking 
nothing of distances to be traversed. Now his 
" digestive organs began to fail, and to require a continual 

* Biog. Not. of Lord Webb Seymour, by H. Hallam. 

t Quarterly Review, 1843, 135. 

t ffiog. Not. of Lord Webb Seymour, by H. Hallam. 


33 1 

attention, which he was not ill-disposed to afford ; but which 
came, as often happens, to engross much of his thoughts, and 
to shut him out from many pleasures, both intellectual and 
social, which he was formed to enjoy. With no manifest 
disease, a gradual languor stole over his mind and body, 
frequently relieved by transient rallying, but on the whole 
silently increasing for the rest of his life. Edinburgh 
continued to be his principal quarter ; but the loss of 
some friends, and the removal of others to England, 
conspired with the decay of his health, to break off, 
except at intervals, or at least to relax the vigour of those 
philosophical speculations which he had pursued in the 
society of a Horner and a Brown. He came not more 
than two or three times to England afterwards ; for the 
last, in the winter of 1816, when he remained in London 
for several months."'* 

It must not, however, be thought that this bodily 
failing turned Lord Seymour away from his studies. 
He found himself indeed compelled to give up his 
mathematical studies and now devoted himself to the 
fine arts, though with more regard to the philosophy of 
the emotions of taste than to purely technical knowledge. 
His study of geology also was not abated, though he was 
now debarred from pursuing this study in the field.* 
In 1 8 10 he purchased a small property call Glenarbach, 

beautifully situated on the banks of the Clyde. 
1 8 10. As he himself said he began to find it necessary 

from his bad state of health to spend a certain 
portion of the year in a retirement which would allow 
him an uninterrupted pursuit of his own peculiar objects 
of scientific research, and where the pure air and quiet 
might aid to strengthen his weak constitution. After 

living there some time, however, he found him- 
18 14. self no better, and in 18 14 he was back again 

in Edinburgh."!" 

* Biog. Not. of Lord Webb Seymour, by H. Hallam. 
t Lord Seymour to Hallam, in Life and Corresp. of F. Horner, 
App. A. 



He was now beginning to be unequal to much con- 
tinuous exertion, but his love of acquiring knowledge 
was as great as ever, though as time went on his reading 

became more miscellaneous and less laborious. 
1 819. This quiet and studious life continued till 1819, 

when he gradually succumbed to pulmonary con- 
sumption and died on April 1 9.* 

" Nothing," says Mr. Hallam,t " except a few pages 
on geology, ever appeared from the pen of Lord Webb.j; 
But he had been much accustomed to commit his reflec- 
tions to paper ; and whatever he wrote was clear, precise, 
and full of thought. He left a considerable quantity of 
notes designed for a work on the philosophy of the human 
mind, which, before the entire failure of his health, he 
had not ceased to contemplate in distant prospect ; 
though, from the slowness of his composition, arising 
partly from the great labour which he gave, it was not 
likely, perhaps, under the most favouring circumstances, 
that he would have given his reflections a methodical 
form. It was at one time the wish of some of his friends, 
and especially of his nearest relation, that these fragments 
of his long-cherished speculations should be given to the 
world. But it is believed that they were found, on ex- 
amination, to be in so unconnected a state, as to cause 
this intention to be abandoned. 

" It would be doing the utmost injustice to the memory 
of this most lamented person, were I only to dwell on his 
intellectual character, or even on those qualities which 
have been already mentioned — his love of truth and 
desire of improvement. Not only was Lord Webb Sey- 
mour a man of the most untainted honour and scrupulous 
integrity, but of the greatest benevolence and the warmest 

* Biog. Not. of Lord Webb Seymour, by H. Hallam. 
t Life and Corresp. of F. Horner, by H. Hallam, ed. by L. 

t He wrote a paper on geology, which may be seen in the 
Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, vol. vii, 303. 
Also the description of a clinometer. Both these papers were 
highly thought of. 



attachment to his friends. This was displayed in a con- 
stant solicitude for their success, their fame, their im- 
provement ; and in a sincerity which made no concessions 
to their vanity, while its delicate and gentle expression 
endeared him still more to those who were worthy to be 
his friends. Neither his constitution, nor his habits of 
reflection, admitted of strong emotions : he scarcely knew 
anger, or any of the violent passions ; and, perhaps, in 
considering the mild stoicism of his character, the self- 
command, which never degenerated into selfishness, we 
are not mistaken in fancying some resemblance between 
him and Marcus Aurelius. He would at least, in other 
times, have surely chosen the philosophy of the Porch ; 
but with all the beneficence and kindliness which only 
the best disciples of that school seem to have evinced." 

There are many letters of Lord Webb's left to us — 
letters from which much may be learnt and that well re- 
pay the time spent in perusing them. Many of these are 
yet in private hands, but a good many, addressed to Mr. 
Horner and Mr. Hallam, have been published.* Space 
forbids their insertion here, and the following must merely 
serve as a sample, of which it has been said : " Which, if 
ever there be a manual compiled from the wisdom of our 
most experienced observers, and the high principle of our 
best writers, for the guidance of men in public life, will 
find its proper place." And again : — " What a lesson 
may public men of all parties take from these dignified 
admonitions of this kind, upright man ! "t 


27th March, 1 8 1 6. 

My dear Horner, 

For a long while past I have been anxious to write to you upon 
a subject on which I cannot enter without some embarrassment. 
Our views and sentiments upon politics have been growing wider 

* Many may be read in the Life and Corresp. of F. Horner, by 
H. Hallam, ed. by L. Horner. 

t Quarterly Review, 1843, 1 35~ l 39- 



and wider apart for the last two years, and though such differences 
between friends must be expected in the course of life, and mutually 
indulged, yet any material error in politics threatens to detract so 
much from your high character, and so much from the good which 
your talents and virtuous intentions may produce to the country, 
that I cannot refrain from telling you I think you are in the 
wrong, and how I think you have come to be so. That you 
think me equally in the wrong, follows of course ; and you are of 
course amply prepared with a defence against any argument I 
should offer against the opinions you have entertained respecting 
the characters, measures, and events of the grand story we have 
witnessed. Such discussion could only have the effect of calling 
up your habitual trains of thought, and those warm feelings which 
they have produced, and which in turn have done so much to pro- 
duce them. I shall therefore address you in another way, and 
venture to place my authority in the balance against yours; with 
all respect for your more extensive and accurate knowledge upon 
political matters, your closer intercourse with men and things, and 
your daily and hourly reflections upon them ; yet trusting on my 
side to the calmness of the station from which I am allowed to 
look on, to my freedom from the keenness of party warfare, and to 
the constant exercise of a judgment which my friends allow to be 
tolerably candid on other subjects, and for which, on the present, 
I can see no source of bias, except what might have disposed me 
to lean too much towards your side — I will tell you plainly my 
opinion of the state of your mind, and leave it to any weight that 
I may have with you to bring that opinion under your serious con- 
sideration in some quiet hour. 

It seems to me, then, that, from your habitual antipathy and 
active zeal against the members of our present government, and 
your warm attachment to friends with whom every private, as well 
as public, feeling has made it almost a religion to agree, your 
favour and aversion have been extended to every person and event, 
according to their connection with, or opposition to, the one party 
or the other. Thence has arisen the indulgent tenderness towards 
Buonaparte and his adherents, — a tenderness which always in- 
creased, not so much, I believe, with the decline of their fortunes, 
as with the swelling triumph of their enemies : thence the ready 
suspicion of meanness, treachery, and selfishness in the Allies — 
the angry censure of every step that did not accord with the most 
high-minded notions of political morality, and the insensibility to 
a generosity and rectitude in the great outlines of their conduct, 
to which the history of the world affords few parallels : thence the 
asperity against the Bourbon family, whose weakness and bigotry 
were for ever dwelt upon, while the difficulties of their situation 
were forgotten, and what was humane and liberal in their policy 
overlooked: thence the apprehensions of a revival of a superstitious 



reverence for royalty — while it was not considered that the restora- 
tion of the old dynasty was connected with the deliverance of 
Europe from the threatening evils of a military despotism of the 
most profligate character — and that with respect to France, the 
weakness of the executive power favoured the growth of civil 
liberty at home, while it promised security to her neighbours. 
The prevalence of such partial views in your mind may in some 
degree be ascribed to certain noble sentiments which the circum- 
stances of the times made you cherish in early youth, an admira- 
tion for talent and energy of character, and the wish to see those 
only who possess them at the head of affairs, a hatred for the cor- 
ruptions of superannuated governments and bright hopes for 
mankind from their overthrow, an abhorrence of the crafty 
domineering of priests, and a scorn of the ignorance, the inca- 
pacity, and the low vices, so often occurring in the families of 
princes, when the line has long been seated quietly on the throne. 
But the main source of bias is the constant society of your party 
friends in London. I can conceive no situation more seducing to 
the mind than to be going on among a set of men — most of whom 
are united in the harmony of friendship and social enjoyment — all 
extolling the talents and principles of each other — all ardent for 
the same objects, though each impelled by a various mixture of 
private and public motives — all anxious to detect, to communicate, 
and to enlarge upon whatever is to the disadvantage of their adver- 
saries/ and to keep out of sight whatever presents itself in their 
favour — all vieing with each other, not only in every public debate, 
but at every dinner, and in every morning walk, to magnify the 
partial views to which each by himself is naturally led. Most men, 
when long actuated by any keen interest in their private affairs, 
are liable to bias ; how much more must this be the case when a 
number of minds are re-acting upon each other in the strenuous 
prosecution of a common cause, when there is the mutual support 
of each other's authority, no reference to opinion beyond the 
limits of the party, and the proud notion that the good of the 
country depends mainly on the practical adoption of their own 
principles ? Look around, among all you have ever known, and 
name me a man whose judgment you would have said beforehand 
could remain firm and right under such warping influence. And 
how seldom in history do we find an active associate of any sect or 
party retaining a tolerable degree of candour. Such reflections 
should make you occasionally suspect yourself — as well as those of 
your party friends on whose understandings and integrity you 
place the strongest reliance. It was a striking lesson to remark 
last year and the year before the unprejudiced judgment and 
language of the Whigs, who were at a distance from the struggle 
between the parties, when compared with the sentiments of those 
who were engaged in it : and on the former side of this contrast I 

33 6 


am happy to place Jeffrey, J. Murray, Dugald Stewart, Mr. Wilson, 
Mr. J. Clark, Lord Minto, and Hallam. Perhaps your conscious- 
ness of a high spirit of independence makes you too little on your 
guard against the influence of those around you. There are many 
cases in which I could trust to the candour of your judgment ; but 
not so when certain strong feelings are connected with the point 
in question. Above all, I could not trust you where your affec- 
tions are involved ; for that warmth of heart and steadiness of 
attachment, which are such charms in your character, must then 
interfere, and I have observed them to do so. 

I wish that your party friends were more aware of the light in 
which their temper and conduct appear to many people, who, with 
no strong feeling either for or against ministers, are anxious for 
the best interests of their country and mankind. Men thus dis- 
posed, and with various degrees of intelligence, are, I imagine, 
pretty numerously scattered throughout the island ; and these are 
the men whose approbation they must be ambitious of, if their 
motives are pure, and whose support, if they are prudent, they 
must be eager to gain. During the last two years they would 
have often found the sentiments of such people at variance with 
their own. They would have found them sometimes lamenting, 
and sometimes indignant, to see men who profess themselves 
patriots and philanthropists steadily turning away from every joy- 
ful event and every bright prospect — to dwell upon the few inter- 
mingled occasions of regret, or censure, or despondency — and 
uttering naught but groans over the fate of Norway, or Spain, or 
Saxony, or Genoa — while our own country and half the civilised 
world felt as if breathing when first risen from a bed of imminent 
death. I wish your friends could have heard in secret the opinions 
of the impartial upon the justice and expediency of the war last 
year ; I wish they could now hear the expressions I have heard — 
of dread at the idea of any man being in office whose indulgent 
favour of Napoleon might render it, in however small a degree, 
more likely that he should escape from his confinement and again 
throw the world into confusion. 

Opposition in Parliament is generally conducted upon one very 
false principle, namely, that the measures of ministers must in every 
case be so tar wrong as to deserve upon the whole very severe re- 
probation. I will not suppose this principle to be speculatively 
recognised ; but it seems at least to be practically adopted. Now 
it is plain that where a set of men have the good of the country 
mainly at heart, and have tolerable capacities for business, though 
their talents be neither profound nor brilliant, and though their 
principles lean rather more than is right in favour of the Crown, 
yet their measures must in all probability be often as good as cir- 
cumstances will admit of, and sometimes entitled to praise for 
unusual prudence or magnanimity. On such occasions justice is, 


for the most part, denied them altogether by the opposition side of 
the House ; or, if praise is bestowed at all, it is bestowed in feeble 
terms, and with reservations much insisted on ; but what is denied 
them in Parliament is granted by an impartial public without 
doors, with proportionate disgust at the bitter and unremitting 
censures of factious enmity. Upon this point I must add, that I 
heard it said (by a friend too) that you hurt yourself in the opinion 
of the public by some want of candour towards the latter part of 
the last session. 

Do not conceive that I am insensible to the benefits which the 
country derives from a vigorous opposition. But I am confident 
that these benefits might be greatly increased, and every interest 
of the opposition party much advanced, if the temper, which partv 
is sure to generate, were better controlled by those at least whose 
talents place them at its head ; and if their views, freed from the 
bias of that temper, accorded more with the sentiments of an en- 
lightened and almost neutral part of the nation. Opposition, even 
when carried on with the spirit of Sir Francis Burdett, is a check 
to abuses and a safeguard to our liberty; there are few, however, 
with intelligence superior to that of the mob, who would favour 
his political objects. Mr. Whitbread's conduct in opposition was 
of a higher character: a friend of the people, and a firm foe to cor- 
ruption, he was entitled to a great respect ; yet there were occa- 
sions when I could not have wished to see Mr. Whitbread in 
office, from the fear of his acting upon those mistaken notions, 
and with that vehement and perverse spirit which appeared in his 
attacks upon Government, and which sometimes made him even 
go beyond the sentiments of his own political friends. There are 
higher stations in opposition than that of Mr. Whitbread— higher, 
from a display of more temperate and candid judgment. I would 
fain see you occupying the highest in this as well as in other 
respects; and I would fain know that the dignified propriety of 
language and demeanour which you have so successfully cultivated 
in the House was founded upon just and moderate views of events, 
and men, and manners. 

Believe me, my dear Horner, 

Yours ever, very affectionately, 

Webb' Seymour. 

[Edinburgh Review, July to October, 1843, p. 279 onwards; 
Edinburgh Review, November to February, 1818 ; Quar- 
terly Review, vol. 72, 1843, p. 135 onwards; Life^and 
Correspondence of F. Horner, by H. Hallam, ed. by L. Horner, 
containing a short biographical notice of Ld. Webb Seymour, 
by Hallam, App. A., and a great number of his letters.] 





Edward Adolphus Seymour was born at Monckton 
Farley, in Wilts, on the 24th February, 1775. 
I 77S- j-j e was educated first at Eton and then at 
Christchurch, Oxford, where he matriculated on 

l 7Q2 

/y * January 31, 1792.* 

The following year he succeeded to the Dukedom 
through the death of his father, December 15, 

1793. and having still a minority of three years he 
became somewhat richer than his immediate pre- 
decessors, who were certainly by no means well off for 
their position. He continued his education at Oxford, 
however, where from the first he devoted himself to 
science and mathematics, for both of which studies he 

displayed great aptitude. He received his degree 

1794. of M.A. on July, 1794, and continuing to remain 
a member of the college received the honorary 

degree of D.C.L. July 3, i8io.f 

In 1795, he took a long tour through the most interest- 
ing parts of England, Wales, and Scotland, an 

1795. account of which was published by Mitchell, in 
1 845. During this tour he seems to have occupied 
himself chiefly with the study of geology. In 

1797. 1797 he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, 
and in 1 8 1 6 was made a Fellow of the Society of 
Antiquaries. For some years he was president of 

the Royal Institution, in which he took great interest 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. 

t Annual Register, 1856; Gent's. Mag., 1855; Forster's 
Alumni, Oxon., 1 715-1886. 



and, from 1801 to 1838, president of the Royal 

1 OI ' Literary Fund, and vice-president of University 

College, London.* 

In 1 8 14, he assisted Mr. Lancaster in his scheme for 
the universal diffusion of education amongst the 

1 8 14. poor, by becoming patron of an institution, esta- 
blished near Maiden Bradley, for training village 

schoolmasters ; an attempt which unfortunately failed, and 

produced a loss of ^i,200.f 

In 1820 he became a Fellow of the Linnean Society. 
From 1826 to 1831 he was vice-president of 

1820. the Zoological Society, and from 1834-7 presi- 
dent of the Linnean Society. He was also a mem- 
ber of the Royal Asiatic Society.^ 

He carried the orb at the coronation of William IV, 
in 1 83 1, and again at the coronation of Queen 

1 83 1. Victoria, in 1838. In 1837 he was made a Knight 
of the Garter by William IV. He died at 

1855. Somerset House, Park Lane, August 15, 1855, 
and was buried in the cemetery at Kensal 

Green. § 

The Duke was a very handsome man, with a kind and 
genial expression, and was a generous and frank patron of 
men of science and letters, some of whom owed a good 
deal of their eventual success to his encouragement and 
assistance at the commencement of their careers. His 
own attainments were considerable, and, though he did 
not publish many of the results of his mathematical and 
scientific researches, a great part of his time was spent in 
the study of these sciences. II Two small treatises, how- 
ever, which he contributed to the press attracted no little 
attention at the time. These were " The Elementary Pro- 

* Annual Register, 1856 ; Diet. Nat. Bio:;, 
t Edinburgh Review. 
X Diet. Nat. Biog., &c. 
§ Diet. Nat. Biog. 

]j The quantities of MSS. in the author's possession at Stover 
attest the diligence with which he worked. 

X 2 



perties of the Ellipse deduced from the Properties of the 
Circle," published in 1 842, and " Alternate Circles and 
their Connection with the Ellipse," published in 1850. 

He was extremely well versed in historical and anti- 
quarian knowledge, and P. F. Tytler, the historian, attached 
great value to his judgment in these matters. # He was, 
moreover, an excellent landlord, taking keen interest , in the 
management of his estates, and popular amongst his 
tenantry. Unlike most landed proprietors he supported 
the repeal of the Corn Laws, and showed his confidence in 
that measure by making large purchases of land during 
the depression which followed it.f 

He was twice married, first on June 24, 1800, to 
Charlotte, 2nd daughter of the 9th Duke of Hamilton 
and Brandon, who died June 10, 1827. Secondly, in 
1836, to Margaret, eldest daughter of Sir Michael Shaw 
Stewart, Bart., of Blackhall, Renfrew, who survived him 
for some time, dying at Somerset House, July 18, 1880. 

By his first wife he had the following children : — 

Edward Adolphus Seymour, born 1 804, who became 
1 2th Duke of Somerset, and of whom we shall 
speak next. 

Archibald Henry Algernon Seymour, born 18 10, who 

became 13th Duke of Somerset. 
George Spencer Adolphus Seymour, born 1 8 1 2, who 

died without issue. 
Algernon Percy Banks Seymour, born 18 13, who 

became 14th Duke of Somerset. 
Charlotte Jane Seymour, who married Archibald 

Blount, Esq., of Orchill, Bucks. 
Jane Anne Wilhelmina Seymour, born 1806. 
Anna Maria Jane Seymour, born 1807. 
Henrietta Jane Seymour, born 1809. 

* The Duke made considerable researches into his family 
history, and at one time meant to have written a book, Annals of 
the Seymours. All his MSS. and notes for this are in the author's 
possession, at Stover. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

From a drawing at Stover, in the possession of II. St. Main , Esqr. 



[Annual Register, 1856; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Gent's. Mag., 1855, 
11, 425; Tour of the Duke of Somerset through parts of 
England, Wales, and Scotland, in 1795, published 1845; 
The Duke of Somerset's Own MSS., &c., at Stover ; Times, 
August 16, 1855; Forster's Alumni, Oxon., 1 71 5-1886 ; 
Forster's Peerage j G. E. C[ockayne]'s Peerage.] 




Of Lord Seymour's early childhood there is little to 
record. He appears to have been a great favourite with 

his grandfather, the Duke of Hamilton, and with 
1 804. his uncle, Lord Webb Seymour ; his education 

was carefully attended to, even fencing being in- 
cluded before the age of nine. He is said up to this 
time to have shown a somewhat indolent disposition, which, 
however, soon gave way to activity upon his being sent to 

After some years at this College, he went to Christ- 
church,f whence, his college career being duly finished, he 
was sent abroad to travel. Amongst other places he 
visited Russia, but of his doings and adventures we have 
no record, as no letters or papers relating to these five 
years are to be found.J 

In June, 1830, he married Jane Georgina, the 
youngest daughter of Mr. Thomas Sheridan, t and 
1 830. sister to the Hon. Mrs. Norton and Lady Dufferin, 
the ceremony taking place in the evening, at the 
house of Sir James Graham, in Grosvenor Place. 

A few weeks after his marriage he was elected member 
of Parliament for the town of Okehampton,t and began 
seriously to enter the arena of politics. This necessitating 
his passing a considerable portion of his time in town, he 
settled down at 1 8, Spring Gardens. 

The following year, 1831, Parliament was dissolved, 
9 upon which he stood, and was elected as a Whig 

3 * for theborough of Totnes. 

* Letters and Memoirs, by Lady G. Ramsden. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog. 

X Letters and Memoirs. 



In the autumn of 1834 Lord and Lady Seymour took 
a tour on the Continent, visiting, amongst other 

1834. places, Frankfort, Wiesbaden, and Paris. Their 
trip was, however, curtailed owing to the dissolu- 
tion of Parliament, which necessitated Lord Seymour's 
again standing for the borough of Totnes. Within three 

months of his election there was a change of 

1835. Government, and he was appointed Lord of the 
Treasury under Lord Melbourne. This neces- 
sitating re-election, he was again returned for Totnes.* 

During this same year (1835) he fought a duel with Sir 
Colquhoun Grant ; this being perhaps the last duel 
fought in this country. It was brought about in the 
following manner. Sir Colquhoun Grant challenged him 
with having been privy to the elopement of his only 
daughter with Lady Seymour's brother, R. B. Sheridan. 
Seymour refused either to acknowledge or deny the 
charge, preferring to be suspected of complicity in the 
matter rather than that any similar accusation should be 
brought against his wife. As a matter of fact, he knew 
nothing whatever about the elopement, not even that it 
had taken place. Shots were exchanged, Seymour firing 
in the air. His ignorance of the transaction was then 
explained, and the matter ended, t 

During this year and the next there is practically 
nothing to record, " but he has left an interesting record 
of his own mental development during that period in the 
following * Reflections,' many of which were obviously 
suggested to him by his experience of public life, and 
show the spirit in which he himself entered on it." 

" The Relation of Thought to Oratory. * 

u Why is it that those men who are most given to 
reflection and to the exertion of their thoughts are often 
least capable of expressing them ? 

* Letters and Memoirs, 
t Diet. Nat. Biog. 



" The first and most palpable reason which occurs to me 
is, that their thoughts are probably more intricate and con- 
tinued, not so loose and undetached as those of the 
generality of men. The ideas of great thinkers may be 
often, as Johnson says somewhere, inductile and unmal- 
leable, so that they cannot easily be brought into a shape 
fitted for expression. The solution is not, however, 
sufficiently explanatory, and I am inclined to believe that 
several other causes contribute to this result. There 
seems, indeed, to be an unfortunate discrepancy between 
the two powers of thinking and speaking, which tend 
very much to prevent their being united in the same in- 
dividual. This will, I trust, appear plain if we consider 
what a man does when he wishes to think correctly. He 
first, probably, looks upon his subject as much as possible 
separate from the words in which it is conveyed to him ; 
for such, I remember, is the advice of Locke, and, as it 
will strike everyone, is the safest way to avoid prejudice 
and misconception. He thinks as far as he is able without 
the intervention of words, but he takes more especial care 
to avoid those strings of words which, from some tempo- 
rary application, frequent usage, or sometimes merely 
from the harmony of sound, have been long continued 
and accustomed to go together. Such words he either 
omits, or, if he has need of them, he detaches them from 
their association, he weighs cautiously their insulated, 
their intrinsic worth, and never for a moment allows his 
mind to think of them in any other sense than that which 
he has prescribed. After this labour has been performed, 
and when he has sufficiently balanced in his mind the 
difficulties and probabilities on each side of the question, 
he draws his inferences and obtains his result. But this 
result comes forth from his mind, as metal from a crucible, 
in a pure and unadulterated state, not only with no ad- 
ventitious questions attached to it, but without any epi- 
thets or any other of the usual concomitants of opinions. 
In this state, however valuable it may be to himself as an 
immutable truth, or as a predominant probability, it is not 



in a state to be communicated to others : it is a piece of 
pure gold, but it must be well coined and stamped before 
it will be generally received. He is obliged, therefore, to 
discard his usual habits and mental exertion, and to turn 
his attention to words — to seek out, in short, appropriate 
phrases, epithets, and metaphors, to mix his truth with the 
alloy of language that it may pass current in the world. 
The superficial thinker, or rather, perhaps 1 should say, 
the unphilosophical thinker, takes his question, on the 
contrary, with all the language in which he finds it en- 
veloped, considers it all at once, and, if he arrives at the 
same conclusion, it must be rather by the acuteness of his 
mind than the adequacy of his means. But, then, he 
possesses his conclusion and all the arguments on which it 
is founded ready for immediate expression ; he has used 
his words in the loose sense of common language, and in 
that sense they will be readily received ; he needs no defi- 
nition of terms, no restriction of meaning ; he did not 
chemically analyse the coin which was given him for 
examination, but, after looking a little at its superscription 
and trying its jingle on the floor, he has it ready to pay 
whereon he may desire. Such appears to me to be one 
of the disadvantages under which a calm, unprejudiced 
reasoner labours when he is opposed by the ready elo- 
quence of a superficial thinker. I believe that in speaking 
of Parliamentary debates I might even go further, and 
say, what at first hearing appears paradoxical, that a 
prejudiced mind is the most readily adapted for elo- 
quence and oratorical display. Whenever a question is 
mooted, the prejudiced man comes to the discussion with 
a number of sentiments already enlisted on his side. 
1 Prejudice,' as Burke says in speaking its eulogy, ' is of 
ready application in the emergency ; it previously engages 
the mind in a steady course, and does not leave the man 
hesitating in the moment of decision, sceptical, puzzled, 
and unresolved. Prejudice renders a man's virtue his 
habit, and not a series of unconnected acts. Through 
just prejudice his duty becomes a part of his nature/ 


Burke seems here to have fallen into the very error I was 
just mentioning, of using inappropriate epithets. How 
can prejudice be ever called just ? c Prejudice ' means 
(see Johnson) 'judgment founded beforehand without ex- 
amination. ' Now, however correct that judgment may 
chance to be, it is no more just than it would be to pass 
sentence on a culprit before trial." 

" Ridicule as a Test of Truth. 

" Ridicule, as it appears to me, is not a fair test of 
truth — c Ridiculune acri fortius ac metius plermuque secat 
res ' ; this, if at least it be a truth, must be applied with 
some modification. The reductio ad absurdum is an 
allowable mode of arguing in mathematics, but must not 
be used in religion, in morality, or politics. In religion, 
certainly, it must not be used as a weapon against matters 
of faith, for it appears to me that Protestant divines are 
inconsistent who would allow us to ridicule the doctrine 
of transubstantiation, but forbid us to reason in the same 
manner about the Trinity, and many articles of our creed. 
We should never laugh at errors in religion ; the subject 
is too grave, too important, too vital ; yet there is much 
scriptural authority for laughing at the errors of men. I 
always feel shocked at that passage in 4 Paradise Lost,' 
where Milton describes the building of Babel, and the 
consequent punishment of the confusion of tongues ; and 
then he adds that the angels mocked at the miseries of 
men, and that there was * laughter loud in heaven/ 
Surely this degrades the angels ; we should not laugh if 
we saw children in foolish ignorance risking their lives 
and happiness ; yet Milton had some apparent authority 
for this in the expressions of Scripture. When man had 
tasted the forbidden fruit, God said : ' Behold, man has 
become as one of us.' Now this speech was, as St. 
Chrysostom and others explain it, a bitter irony to Adam, 
who, instead of becoming like a god, was degraded and 
fallen from the state of man. Does not David also say 



that at the punishment of the wicked the just shall look 
and laugh over them, and Job says the innocent man shall 
mock them ? Jeremiah says that the deeds of sinners are 
vain and laughable. Is it not even said of the Deity that 
he shall laugh over the death of the wicked ? Such pas- 
sages in Scripture are dreadful and incomprehensible. 
Laughter over an unrepentant sinner appears unworthy 
of a Christian. It is cruelty usurping the place of pity. 
It is curious to observe how much use is made of ridicule 
in all polemical disputes. Even in the earliest times, and 
down to the present day, different sects ridicule each 
other. The coarse ribaldry of Luther, and the vulgar wit 
with which the church replied to him, seems as if it had 
been imagined the Reformation could be settled by per- 
sonal aspersions and recriminations. We find Milton 
making jokes against Episcopacy, and Pascal wittily mock- 
ing the doctrines of the Jesuits. In matters of religion 
ridicule is a dangerous weapon ; it frequently injures 
those who use it, for it is like bringing an elephant into 
battle ; and sometimes the witty writer, like Diomed 
under the walls of Troy, wounds a deity while he aims 
at his antagonist." 

" The Defence of Atheism. 

" A man who writes in support of Atheism, and passes 
his time in trying to prove that there will be no future 
life, employs himself in a very melancholy occupation. 
The monks of La Trappe spent their leisure hours in 
digging their graves, but he occupies his life in proving 
that the grave will be eternal." 

" Truth and Intellectual Acuteness. 

" Hume says in one of his essays that men may be 
divided into profound and shallow thinkers ; the first 
miss the truth by going beyond it, the last do not pene- 
trate far enough to reach it. Pascal says the same : ' Si 
on n'y songe pas assez, ou si on y songe trop on s'entctc 



et Ton ne peut trouver la verite.' This seems to be true 
in almost every department of knowledge ; even in reli- 
gion, although we are often told to think of it continually, 
yet we observe that those who do make it the constant 
subject of their thoughts imbibe notions which must be 
false, because if they were generally adopted they would 
be most pernicious. By this I mean that I consider any 
religious opinion to be necessarily false which militates 
against the existence of society, and of this kind are the 
opinions which enthusiasts or profound thinkers in reli- 
gion usually adopt. The saying of Hobbes is frequently 
quoted : c I am not so ignorant as others, because I have 
not read so much,' and we might sometimes with equal 
truth say : 6 I am not fallen into so many errors as others, 
because I have not thought so much.' This is, in fact, 
what is meant when persons remark £ that suggestion is 
too ingenious to be true ' ; that is, 1 you have missed the 
truth by going beyond it.' Much injury, as Bacon ob- 
served, has arisen to science by the love of generalising ; 
that is, reasoning too hastily from particulars to universals, 
or founding a theory upon a single fact, which is a vice 
peculiar to profound thinkers. Carneades, the sophist, 
used to say : ' If he is a very clever man, I shall the 
more easily succeed in deceiving him,' and there was 
much truth in this observation, for a clever man is more 
easily deceived by ingenious arguments than a stupid man, 
who seldom sees their force. Give Berkeley's essay to a 
shallow thinker, and he will soon put it aside as an ex- 
travagant absurdity ; but no clever man ever read it 
without being much puzzled and left in doubt whether or 
not matter really exists. These remarks might be applied 
to the national character of many countries. We all 
know how the Athenians were constantly led astray by an 
ingenious argument, and thus we find that the speeches 
of their favourite orators consist almost entirely of argu- 
ment ; and, indeed, it must surprise every one who reads 
these orations to see how seldom (considering that they 
were addressed to a promiscuous audience) they appeal to 


From a painting in the possession of Lady Ulrica Thynnc. By kind permission. 



the passions. But this love of shrewd arguments and 
ingenious reasonings did not make them more difficult to 
be deceived ; a clever man would always deceive them. 
Now, the English, on the contrary, are not easily de- 
ceived ; they do not listen patiently to an ingenious 
argument. If the reasoning is very clever, they suspect 
it to be fallacious. They say of a clever child, ' He is 
too clever to live long,' and of a clever theory, ' It is too 
clever to last.' ' It is so brilliant that it must be false,' is 
a natural remark when one sees a fine head-dress of dia- 
monds, and the same observation is frequently applied to 
a brilliant speech. The sound sense of the English, it is 
said, protects them against these deceptions ; if the people 
were more clever they would be more easily deceived. 
They are so sensible because they are so stupid ; this 
sounds like a paradox, but there is some truth in it. Now 
the Germans are more subtle and ingenious reasoners, 
and the consequence is that they are frequently puzzled 
about their own identity — a misfortune which can only 
happen to a profound thinker — c Si on y songe trop on 
s'entete.' " 

The Parliament was dissolved this year owing to the 
death of William IV. Lord Seymour was again 

1837. elected for Totnes, and continued Lord of the 
Treasury until 1839, when he resigned on being 

appointed Secretary to the Board of Control.* 

During this year the famous Eglinton tournament 
took place, and Lady Seymour was chosen to preside over 
it as Queen of Beauty. So many accounts have been 
given of this revival of ancient days, that it is needless to 
enlarge upon it here.f 

In June of this year Lord Seymour was appointed 
Under Secretary of State for the Home Depart- 

1838. ment ; this, however, barely lasted two months, 
Parliament being dissolved in August, when Lord 

* Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Annual Register, 1885. 
t Eglinton ; Diet. Nat. Hiog. 



Melbourne was succeeded by Sir Robert Peel. Lord 
Seymour was elected for Totnes without opposition, and, 
shortly after, accompanied by Lady Seymour, went to 
Italy, where they remained till the following spring.* 

The following year he took a short trip to Norway 
g during the time Parliament was not sitting, and, 

^ * in the autumn of 1844, went for a yachting 
1844. cruise with Mr. Cavendish Bentinck in the 
fi " Dream," returning in March of the following 
1 45- year, Lady Seymour and her children, mean- 
while, remaining in Paris.* 

In April, 1849, he was appointed Chief Commissioner 
~ of Woods and Forests, under Lord John Russell, 
1 49- anc [ Chief Commissioner of Works and Privy 
Councillor in 1851. 

In June, Parliament was dissolved, and he again suc- 
Q cessfully presented himself to his constituents at 
1 ^ 1 * Totnes for re-election.* 

Soon after the borough of Totnes was disfranchised, 
and Lord Seymour ceased to be a member of the House 
of Commons. During the time that he sat there he 
carried a Bill through the House, which received the 
Royal assent, for establishing a Board for the Superin- 
tendence of Railways. He voted for the repeal of the 
Corn Laws, and served on the Committee of the House 
to inquire into the state of the army during the Crimean 

Having lost his seat he took the opportunity of taking 
a holiday, and paid a second visit to Norway. His 
father, however, dying in August, he was obliged to return 
at once to take up his duties as Duke of Somerset in the 
House of Lords. J 

In this year he became First Lord of the Admiralty 
under Lord Palmerston, a post which he filled for 
1 $9' seven years, until Lord Palmerston was succeeded 

* Letters and Memoirs. 

t Diet. Nat. Biog.; Annual Register, 1885. 
X Letters and Memoirs ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 



by Lord Derby.* " The Duke's tenure of office was now 
ended, nor did he ever again seek to re-enter public life. 
Three years later he was invited by Mr. Gladstone to 
join the Ministry, but he declined. His doing so was 
the occasion of a just and temperate tribute to his charac- 
ter on the part of a paper in which such serious writing 
was uncommon. c The refusal of the Duke of Somerset,' 
said Vanity Fair, ' to become a member of Mr. Glad- 
stone's Administration endowed us no doubt with Mr 
Childers as First Lord of the Admiralty, and probably 
left the Cabinet much more amenable to the uncontrolled 
will of the Premier than would otherwise have been the 
case ; but with all these advantages to set against it, the 
want of so strong a pillar of the Liberal Party in the 
Ministry must be accounted a loss even greater to the 
country than to the party itself ; for the Duke is a strong 
Liberal, not only in matters of State, but, what is more 
important, in Church matters, and his Liberalism not 
being of the sort which is assumed for personal purposes, 
may be trusted even upon occasions when ordinary 
Liberals often go wrong from fear of personal conse- 
quences. The high rank and position of the Duke have, 
indeed, had upon his political conduct an influence for 
good, which is by no means the common rule, for he has 
put them to their proper and nobler uses as strongholds 
whence he may look justly and fearlessly upon men and 
things. In our system of government by party, it is 
perhaps necessary that jobbery should flourish as it does, 
yet the Duke of Somerset has never condescended to its 
use, either for himself or for his party ; but it is only 
because he is too strong to be coerced like other leaders 
that he has been able to maintain and to carry out his 
strong sense of impartial justice. For this reason it is 
that he is said to be a proud man ; and so he is, but his 
is a pride a little of which were better found in some 
others of our statesmen than much of the humility now 
accepted as meritorious. Indeed, the Duke apparently 
* Letters and Memoirs. 

35 2 


dislikes humility, for, himself proud and sincere, yet 
liberal and just, he refused to serve under the most humble 
of Premiers.' " 

During the next three years Mr. Gladstone and 
Mr. Childers went in for a Government of the greatest 
economy, which resulted in the greatest inefficiency of the 
army and navy, and might very possibly have terminated 
in a disaster to the country. We read of this period in 
the Quarterly Review : — " The cautious and strong sense 
of the Duke of Somerset has pronounced sentence on the 
Administration which he generally supports, and which he 
has vainly endeavoured to save from folly. In a caustic 
and terse epigram, which will never be forgotten, he has 
stigmatised for ever the military and naval policy of the 
present Administration : — c An army that can't march, and 
ships that won't swim,' as the result of three years of 
boastful economical government." 

" The Duke's refusal, however," we see in his Me- 
moirs,* "whatever may have been his political feelings at 
the moment, was mainly due to reasons of a very different 
nature. Six months previously he had lost his second 
son, Lord Edward St. Maur, and he was now over- 
whelmed with a sorrow from which he never wholly re- 
covered. His subsequent life was one of a comparative 
retirement, and the fact that it was so is attributable to 
this cause. He was not, however, a man to allow himself 
to be unnerved by suffering. He sought alleviation in 
activity of a new kind. 

" The Duke mentions in one of his later letters, that 
he learnt by experience that sorrow was best borne by 
forcing the mind to busy itself with some arduous and 
absorbing work. In the sorrow which had now fallen on 
him, and which was subsequently deepened by the loss of 
his eldest son a few years afterwards, he threw himself into 
the study of a class of questions and problems which had 
always roused his interest, but which, up to now, he had 
not examined systematically, namely, the results of scien- 
* Letters and Memoirs, 12th Duke of Somerset. 



tific scholarship, and of science generally, as affecting 
historical Christianity. To this study he devoted himselt 
for five years, making himself familiar with the writings of 
the most authentic scholars and critics — in especial, those 
of Germany ; and he finally, in 1871, produced a small 
volume, in which their conclusions are summed up. This 
volume is curiously characteristic of the writer. It is full 
of shrewd and dry humour, which sometimes suggests 
Gibbon. It is remarkable for the practical turn every- 
where given in it to speculation. It is admirable for 
lucidity of arrangement and terseness of expression, and 

is for this reason full of intrinsic interest. The 
1872. title of the volume is 4 Christian Theology and 

Modern Scepticism.' " It was published in 1872. 
The Duke still continued to be regular in his attend- 
ance at the House of Lords, and to take intense interest in 
all measures for the good of the country and the people. 

In 1 876 we find him very busy over a Commission 
1876. on Slavery, and also spending some of his time 

over his duties at the British Museum.* 
He did not often speak in the House, but, when he 
did, the House always sat in wrapt attention, knowing 
they would hear the opinion of a clever and impartial 
man. His speeches were short and to the point and, 
often, amusing from the dry wit he exhibited. On one 
occasion he was speaking against a motion of Lord 
Halifax, relating to the Ameer, and, referring to Yakoob 
Khan, his son, said that heirs-apparent were sometimes 
irregular in their conduct and troublesome. All eyes at 
once were turned upon the Prince, who was present, and 
the Duke of Cambridge, sitting next him, burst out 
laughing ; but when he added that, amongst other 
slight irregularities, this heir-apparent had committed a 
few murders, and had even murdered the Commander-in- 
Chief, the Royalties were convulsed with laughter, in which 
the whole House joined.* 

" Though the Duke, as has already been said, after the 
* Letters and Memoirs. 

2 A 



death of his second son, never again took a prominent part 
in politics, yet the changes which, under the influence of 
Mr. Gladstone, were at this period taking place in the 
character of the Liberal party, turned him once again into 
a keen political critic. Many of his letters — full of wit 

and shrewdness — bear witness to this fact ; but 
1880. evidence of it, still fuller and more important, is to 

be found in his short work on c Democracy,' which 
he published in i88o." # 

The Irish Land Bill was now attracting great attention, 
and I may perhaps be pardoned for quoting an extract or 
two concerning it from his letters. April 22, he writes : 
" The Irish Land Bill, while it robs the landowners of 
their property, will in its results perpetuate the pauperism 
of the small tenants. It does not even obtain the approval 
of the Irish, whom it was designed to gratify. I suppose, 
however, that it will be carried in some shape in order to 
save the Government from a disastrous failure." On 

April 24, he writes : " seems very well ; he is 

astonished and disgusted at the Irish Land Bill. Gladstone 
told him, some months ago, that he sympathised with his 

paper on the question. bought up the tenant right 

from some of his tenants, but under this Bill they will 
recover the right for which they have been paid. Never- 
theless, this Bill again enables landowners to purchase the 
tenant right. Who will be fool enough to buy what will 
probably be taken from them in a year or two hence ? " 
August 6, he says : " Last night we ended the Committee 
on the Irish Land Bill, one of the most discreditable 
measures that I remember in all my public life. I feel 
ashamed of the ministers and of the Liberal party for 
proposing such a Bill, yet it could not have been rejected 
without causing a violent convulsion and a re-enactment 
of a similar law." On August 20, he writes : " I was 
glad to leave town after the most discreditable Session 
which I can remember. Irish ideas have demoralised 
British statesmen." The following year he writes : " The 
* Letters and Memoirs. 



years slip away, and we cannot expect to go on much 
longer ; but I fear that I may outlive the English Con- 
stitution, which the ministry are undermining." 

" Early in the year of 1884 the health of the Duchess 

began to show signs of failing. By the autumn it 
1884. gave the family grave cause for alarm; and on 

December 14 she died. The Duke's affection for 
her is evidenced in every letter he wrote her, and in none 
more than in the two short notes — the one announcing 
her death to Mr. Sheridan, the other thanking Lord and 
Lady Dufferin for their condolence — which are given in 
this chapter, and in their brevity and superficial address 
have a pathos which could hardly be found in any less 
restrained method of expression." * 

40, Park Lane, 

Dec. 15, 1884. 

My dear Brinsley, 

Georgy came up to town on Friday, and seemed well — said the 
drive had done her good. The young Duchess of Montrose called, 
and they talked and laughed together. On Saturday she felt 
sleepy, and did not get up, but the doctor felt her pulse, and said 
she would be better next morning. But in the night she had 
shivering fits ; Gwen sent for the doctor, and he said she was 
better, but on Sunday morning she passed away in a quiet doze. 
She had suffered so much during the last eight months, and had 
nearly lost her sight, that it is for her a comfort, but to us a great 
loss, for she was always cheery and lively, even in the midst of her 

Yours affectionatelv, 


40, Park Lane, 

Jan. 19, 1885. 

My dear Dufferin, 

I thank you and Lady Dufferin for your kind sympathy. It is 
a dreadful blank, after above fifty years of a most cheerful and 
affectionate companion, but I will not dwell further. My 
daughters, in the midst of their own sorrow, have done all they 
could to console me. At my time of life I cannot look forward to 

* Letters and Memoirs. 

2 A 2 



any long period ; and, indeed, the sad condition of public affairs, 
both at home and abroad, reconciles me to depart. 

I am glad to hear good accounts of you and of your journey and 
reception at Bombay. I take a great interest in your govern- 
ment, and hope that your health may enable you to deal with all 
the difficulties which at present surround you. 

Yours affectionately, 


" The Duke's foreboding that he should not long sur- 
vive his wife proved to be correct. He survived her for 
but twelve months. Meanwhile, however, he seems to 
have had recourse to the same practical philosophy which 
he had before called to his aid, to assist him in bearing the 
loss of his favourite son. He gave his mind constant and 
active employment, and forced himself to take an interest 
both in public events and the lives of those around him."** 

In the autumn of this year, following his usual custom, 
he went from Bulstrode to Stover, his house in 
1885. Devon, taking his grand-daughter, as usual, with 
him. " His days were spent in his customary 
employments, and his evenings in reading or in playing 
at chess with his grand-daughter. He often drove out to 
visit various neighbours, particularly Sir Samuel Baker, 
who lived almost next door to him, and on one occasion 
he opened a cottage hospital in a village not far distant. 
He seemed, indeed, to be in his usual health, except for a 
pain in his foot, which gave him considerable uneasiness. 
Supposing this to be gout, he abandoned, for the first 
time in his life, the practice of walking when he went out 
to shoot, and took to riding on a pony. One day the 
pony started, and the Duke fell. The fact of his having 
lost his seat, owing to so slight a cause, is a proof that he 
was even then far less strong than he was thought to be ; 
but he seemed at the moment to be none the worse for the 
accident. From this time, however, he began to com- 
plain more frequently of a general sense of weakness, and 
also of the pain in his foot ; and the doctors regarded the 

* Letters and Memoirs. 



symptoms as very grave, and as indicating weakness of 
the heart." # 

" The accounts which we received," one of his daugh- 
ters writes, " caused great anxiety to my two sisters and 
to myself, and brought us to Stover, where we remained 
with our father during the few remaining weeks of his 
life. The increasing weakness had now confined him to 
his bed for the greater part of the day ; and it was only 
in the afternoon that he was moved on to the sofa. At 
times the pain which he suffered was very severe. We 
could see this by the expression of his face, though he 
never gave utterance to the least murmur or complaint. 

" But his interest in all that was going on continued as 
keen as ever. The General Election was then in pro- 
gress, and he liked us to read the reports of the news- 
papers from day to day ; and as the election appeared 
more and more to be going on as he thought best, he 
often exclaimed, c Oh, I'm glad, I'm glad ! 1 

" At all times, and up to his last hour, he was most 
sympathetic, and took the greatest interest in whatever 
concerned his daughters and his grandchildren. To his 
daughters — for fear, no doubt, of making them unhappy — 
he never spoke as if he was dying ; but to his young 
grand-daughter,f one day, when she had spoken hopefully 
of his recovery, he said, c Oh, yes, they try their best, and 
do all they can ; but I know very well it is only the be- 
ginning of the end.' And the end came very soon and 
very suddenly. One day my sister had been reading and 
talking to him during the morning at intervals, and then 
he had rested. In the afternoon he was assisted on to 
the sofa, and, as usual, wheeled into the next room — no 
worse, apparently, except, perhaps, more exhausted than 
usual after the moving. 

" He gave his eldest daughter J some trifling commission 
to do for him downstairs, and turning to his grand- 

* Letters and Memoirs, 
t Mrs. F. C. Bentinck. 
X Lady Hermione Graham. 



daughter, who was sitting near, he asked her to read to 
him, for the second time, her brother's letter* she had 
received that morning. It was a schoolboy's letter, and 
he was much amused, and leant back on the cushions 
laughing. She thought he seemed c strangely happy,' as 
she afterwards said ; and scarcely had she done reading it, 
and was talking to him about it, before she noticed he 
looked up suddenly 'with a surprised happy expression 
that was scarcely natural, as if he were seeing something 
far away and very beautiful ; and then his head sank as 
if he had fainted.' She rushed out into the passage and 
called her aunts, who came almost directly, but all was 
over. The doctor had told us to expect it. The action 
of the heart had failed." 

The reader will remember the affection with which the 
Duke as a child was regarded by all who knew him. 
There was a happiness and a fitness in the death which 
thus found him full of an affection like that of which, in 
his earliest years, he had been the object. 

The introduction to the " Letters and Memoirs of the 
1 2th Duke of Somerset," says : "Personal records, where 
they are worth preserving and publishing, owe the fact of 
their being so to one or other of two reasons. The per- 
sons whose lives they refer to are exceptions, or else 
types. The 12th Duke of Somerset belongs to the 
latter class. Distinguished as he was alike by his talents, 
his attainments, and his character, his figure is calculated 
to interest the present generation, less on account of the 
degree to which he was greater than the majority of man- 
kind, than of the striking example he offered in his own 
person of the qualities and the conduct which have dis- 
tinguished an important body of his countrymen. 

" In the schooldays of those who have not yet ceased 
to be young, what was called the governing class still 
governed England. It was a class composed principally 
of our old-established landed families. Its influence was 
felt everywhere, and was as great outside Parliament as 
* R. H. St. Maur. 


From a bunt at Bulstrode, by kind permission . of the Lady Gwendolen Ramsden. 



within it, and its members embodied, whether they were 
Peers or commoners, an unquestioned principle of here- 
ditary political power. That principle, as we are all of us well 
aware, is not unquestioned any longer. On the contrary, 
the position and education which were considered, a short 
while since, as almost essential to fit men for public life, 
are now being represented as the things most likely to 
unfit them for it ; and the places once monopolised by 
Peers and country gentlemen we now see, to a growing 
extent, occupied by politicians and statesmen who are of 
an entirely different stamp — who are different in origin, 
in education, in temper, in ambition, and even, not 
unfrequently, in pronunciation of their mother tongue. 

" Whether the new governing class will prove more 
satisfactory than the old is not a question we are concerned 
to discuss here. But the old is certainly well worth 
study — worth it even from the point of view of its 
enemies, as a factor in our national life which they believe 
to be disappearing ; whilst those who regard it in a less 
prejudiced spirit cannot fail to see in it one of the most 
remarkable bodies that have ever played a part in history, 
not only uniting in itself the most opposite social charac- 
teristics — the accomplishments of fashion and scholarship, 
with the tastes and hardihood of the country, and a 
vigorous enjoyment of leisure with an instinctive aptitude 
for business — but, above all, offering in its tone, temper, 
and conduct that singular mixture of the aristocratic and 
democratic elements which is peculiar altogether to the 
landed aristocracy of England. 

" Of the sort of public man produced by this governing 
class, Edward, 12th Duke of Somerset, was an almost 
ideal representative. His public life lasted for five and 
thirty years, beginning with his entrance into Parliament 
in 1830, as M.P. for Okehampton, and ending in 1866, 
with the ending of his tenure of office as First Lord of 
the Admiralty. Many and important as were the posts 
which he occupied during this period, it is, if we consider 
him in the light of a public man only, as First Lord of 



the Admiralty that he principally claims attention ; in 
which position, for complete grasp of his subject, for 
shrewdness, and for administrative capacity, those qualified 

to judge declare that he has never been surpassed 

" Born to all the advantages which, in the earlier part of 
the century, distinguished descent and the highest rank 
would ensure, he was an example of their best and their 
most characteristic results. An accomplished scholar, an 
acute philosophical thinker, a keen sportsman, a laborious 
member of Parliament, a welcome figure in the gay and 
fashionable world, and husband to the most beautiful 
and wittiest woman of her generation ; he was a man 
whose life was as blameless as his position and his career 
were brilliant, and the charm of his character, regarded as 
a husband and father, was equalled only by his stainless 
integrity as a statesman. As a statesman, indeed, he 
might have risen to even higher eminence than he did, if 
it had not been for a great private affliction — the loss of 
his second son, Lord Edward St. Maur. This almost 
coincided in point of time with the Duke's retirement 
from the Admiralty, and so profound was the grief it 
caused him, that his spirits never recovered themselves, 
nor did he ever again have heart to re-enter public 

The Duke of Somerset was Lord Lieutenant of the 
county of Devon, Governor of the Royal Naval College, 
Portsmouth, and a trustee of the British Museum. 

By his wife Jane Georgina, daughter of the late Thomas 
Sheridan, Esq., he had the following issue : — 

Edward Adolphus Ferdinand, born July 17, 1835. 
In 1856 he went as an Attache with Lord Granville 
to attend the Coronation of the Czar, Alexander II. 
The same year he went to Palestine, whence, after 
a short time, he hastened to the war then going on 
in Persia, joining Sir J. Outram's force and re- 
ceiving great praise from that commander for the 
services he performed. The Indian Mutiny 

From a portrait at Bid strode, by kind permission <>/ the Lady Gwendolen Ranistli ii. 



breaking out shortly after, he at once joined the 
relief columns as a volunteer, marched to Cawnpore 
and the relief of Lucknow, and was mentioned 
more than once in despatches for his excessive 
gallantry. On his return home he joined the 4th 
Dragoon Guards ; but soldiering in times of peace 
had no attractions for him, and he resigned after a 
few months. The Volunteer movement next re- 
ceived his attention, and he took the greatest pains 
in raising a Company in Wilts, in spite of the dis- 
couragement he received on all sides. This 
he shortly followed by raising a Company of 
Mounted Infantry in Devon. On the breaking out 
of Garibaldi's war of independence in Italy, how- 
ever, he left these occupations, being impelled to 
do so by the great chance now before him of 
assisting the cause of Freedom. He at first 
enrolled himself as a private, but the fact of his 
having already held a Commission soon caused 
him to be made a Captain and Military Secretary 
to Brigadier-Colonel Peard. Needless to say that, 
on account of his father's position as Lord of the 
Admiralty, he found it necessary to engage in this 
campaign under an assumed name, which, how- 
ever, before long he had made respected and 
esteemed by exhibiting the same soldierly qualities 
which had already earned honourable mention for 
him in India. (Appendix P.) At the close of the 
war he visited several countries and employed him- 
self in learning their languages, a thing for which Tjw-f , ~ c " IS&^r 
he appears to have had a special gift. In July 1863, * ^ 

he was summoned to the House of Lords in his ia^'V' r*r** 
father's Barony of Seymour, and took his seat as * (fcz €** K&f**^ 40 * 
Earl St. Maur. His health, however, was gradually a p c sH.'^^ 
giving way, and he found himself obliged to spend * hv *"^*^7k 

his winters abroad, for the most part at Tangiers. H~olaAA* v * 

Coming home in September, 1869, he was sud- [tftj 
denly taken ill at his father's house in Dover fJsrk*- 1 *^* 1 


Street, and died the day following, deeply mourned 
by those who knew him and understood him, and, 
as was remarked in a newspaper at the time, M He 
left few better or braver men behind him." 

Edward Percy, born August 19, 1841. When 18 
years of age he was sent to Vienna as an Attache, 
where he remained about a year, afterwards spend- 
ing some months in travelling about to various 
countries on the Continent. He was then sent in 
the same capacity to Madrid in 1861, but came 
home again after some months in order to pass an 
examination in the languages he had learnt. At 
the same time he published an article on Spanish 
" Church and Exchequer " in the Fortnightly 
Review, which received considerable praise. In 
1862 he went to America at the time of the war 
between the North and South, and was a witness 
to several engagements, though he took no part in 
the operations of either side. After this he spent 
some time at home and in Italy, but in 1865 he 
started on a tour through parts of India — a tour 
from which he never returned. Whilst shooting 
at Yellapoor he was badly bitten by a bear, and had 
to undergo the amputation of his leg, an operation 
from which he was not strong enough to recover. 
He died a day or two afterwards, deeply mourned 
by all who knew him, for he was very popular. 
The very natives, though, as a rule, easily affected, 
displayed a most unusual and genuine grief, ex- 
claiming, with tears in their eyes, " His heart was 
very large." (Appendix Q.) 

Jane Hermione, born January 1, 1832, who in 1852, 
October 26th, married Sir Frederic Ulric Graham, 
Bart., of Netherby, Cumberland. 

Ulrica Frederica Jane, born January 12, 1833, who in 
1858, June 1st, married Lord Henry Frederic 
Thynne, 2nd son of the 3rd Marquis of Bath. 

Helen Gwendolen, born November 14, 1846, who, 


From (i portrait at Bulstrode, by kind permission of tin- Lady Gwendolen Ramsden* 


From a bust at Buhtrode, by kind permission of the Lady Gwendolen Ramsden. 


in 1865, August 10th, married Sir John William 
Ramsden, Bart., of Byram, Yorks. 

[Letters, Remains, and Memorials of Edward Adolphus, 12th 
Duke of Somerset, K.G., ed. by W. H. Mallock and Lady 
G. Ramsden, 1893 ; Letters of Lord Ferdinand St. Maur and 
Lord Edward St. Maur, ed. Lady G. Ramsden; Annual 
Register, 1885 ; Spencer Walpole's Life of Earl Russell, 11, 
423 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Times Newspaper ; Vanity Fair.] 

Jane Georgina, Duchess of Somerset, was the daughter 
of Thomas Sheridan, Esq., and grand-daughter of the 
famous Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Her two sisters were 
the beautiful and accomplished ladies the Hon. Mrs. 
Norton and Lady Dufferin, both of whom became so well 
known for their literary attainments. 

She was married in 1830, at the age of 20, and some 
years afterwards (1839), when still Lady Seymour, was 
chosen as the Queen of Beauty at the memorable Egli 11- 
ton Tournament, when she carried out the somewhat 
difficult duties of that position to the complete satisfaction 
of all. 

But it was not her excessive beauty that caused her to 
be sought after and appreciated by all in the circles in 
which she moved. Great as it was, it was enhanced by 
the kindliest expression and the most winning smile. Her 
voice was sweet and melodious, her manner had the rarest 
charm, and her conversation sparkled with wit, which was 
not reserved only to shine in society, but remained the 
same when alone with her family — a simple and natural 
wit, owing its origin as much to the original way in which 
she viewed things and instantly spoke her thoughts, as to 
the quickness and cleverness of her brain. Devoted to 
country pursuits, full of interest in her garden and her 
farm, she gathered from the trivial events of the day 
materials for giving ever-renewed amusement to her family. 



The queer sayings or oddities of speech emanating from 
the cowman, and the homely wisdom of the hen wife, 
passed through the sparkling medium of her memory, 
enlivened the quiet winter evenings with much innocent 

While in society amongst her friends and acquaintances 
she would delight by her ready repartee, her apt Latin or 
other quotations, but she was careful that no spark of ill- 
nature should ever mar her speech. Brimming over as 
she was with natural fun and good-humour, she endea- 
voured always to amuse, to cheer, or to comfort, but never 
to wound the feelings of others for the mere sake of a 
witty remark or apt retort. Some yet living may recall a 
few of her amusing and clever sayings, but they must 
remain treasured in some remote corner of their memory. 
The very occasions which brought them forth have long 
been forgotten, and of what interest would the mere 
words be without the voice, the expression, the smile, and 
the charm of manner ? There can be no record made, nor 
should there, for she herself did not desire that she should 
be remembered for her wit or her beauty alone ; her 
letters, amusing as they were, always ended with a request 
for their destruction, and no portrait worthy of the name 
did she ever have done as a record of herself. 

Her character had another more enduring and nobler 
side. Admired as she was for those qualities which caused 
her to shine above others, it was her kindly and noble 
heart that secured the lasting affection, the love, of all. 
Only those whom she had comforted and cheered in 
trouble, in sickness, or in sorrow knew the depth of 
feeling, the strong affection, the loving devotion that lay 
hidden beneath the sunshine of her nature. When sorrow, 
at the loss of both her sons, had banished almost all the 
brightness and joy of her life, she did not give way 
entirely to a useless grief, but exerted herself to maintain 
a cheery presence to comfort her husband, and to live for 
those she loved around her. Even to the last, when 
oppressed with advanced age, ill-health, and frequent 


suffering, she maintained her spirit and courage. Flashes 
of the old brightness sparkled out again, so that even 
those about her could not realise the gravity of the situa- 
tion ; but her mind was stronger than her body, and she 
died rather suddenly, December 14, 1884, after many 
months of illness. To the last all her thoughts and words 
were for the care and comfort of those she was leaving. 



Note i. 

On the death of her father, she inherited the Manor of North 
Molton in Devon, and half the Manor of Gatesten in Herts. 

Note 2. 

He died seized of certain lands in Basingburne in Cambs, 
certain lands in Hampton-Meysi in Gloucester, the Manor of 
Polton juxta Crekelade, with the advowson of the church and 
manor of Eton-Meysi in Wilts, and the Manor of Northam in 
Devon. (Dugdale.) 

Note 3. 

He inherited the Manors of North Molton in Devon, Eton- 
Meysi and Wittenham in Wilts, Winfred-Egle in Dorset, Castle- 
Cary, Mershe, North-Bawe, South-Bawe, Rade, Corscombe, 
Prestelege, Blakeford, and Wincaulton in Somerset. (Dugdale.) 

Note 4. 

He inherited the Manors of Winfred-Egle in Dorset ; Witten- 
ham, Laugenham, Hulpringham, Westbury, North-Molton, in 
Devon ; Hampton-Meysi, Clifton, Bradeston, Stryntescombe, in 
Gloucester; Castle-Cary, Mershe, Brockton, Rade (Rode?), 
Stoke, Hallow, Presteley, Blakeford, a fourth of Immere, a third of 
Lokynton, the borough of Wincaulton, in Somerset ; and the 
moiety of the hundred of Westbury in Wilts. (Dugdale.) 

Note 5. 

There was also an Abbess, one of three sisters, in Ireland, who 
took or was given the name of St. Maur. She had no connection 
with the St. Maur family, but was probably given the name on 
account of her following so closely the principles laid down by 
St. Maur, the Abbot. Particulars of her life may be found in 



" Lives of the Irish Saints." In Notes and Queries, I find the 
following curious passage : " Amongst the many strange deriva- 
tions given of the name of Mona or Man (the island) I find one in 
an old unpublished MS. by an unknown author of the date about 
1658, noticed by Feltham (Tour through the Isle of Man, p. 8). 
The name of the island is there said to have been derived from 
Maune, the name of the great apostle of the Maun, before he 
received that of Patricus from Pope Celestine. I have not any 
access to any life of St. Patrick in which the name of Maune 
occurs, but in the Penny Cyclopedia, under the head Patrick, I 
find it said, according to Nennius, St. Patrick's original name was 
Maur y and I find the same stated in Rose's Biographical Diction- 
ary, but the article in the latter is evidently taken from the former." 
(Notes and Queries.) 

Note 6. 

An Assize in 1269 states that "Roger de St. Maur ought to 
have housebote and heybote at his house at Woundy, by the 
moiety of Magor Park, and upon his fee of Woundy, by the feoff- 
ment of Sir Barth. de Moor." (Dugdale.) 

Note 7. 

Cecilia Seymour's share consisted of the Manors of Hache, 
Shipton, Beauchamp, Murifielf, and a third of Shipton Malet, in 
Somerset ; certain lands in Sturminster Marshall, in Dorset ; the 
Manors of Boultberry and Harberton, in Devon ; the Manor of 
Dourton, in Bucks ; little Hawes, in Suffolk ; and two-thirds of 
Snelling, in Kent. (A Complete Peerage and Camden.) 

Note 8. 

By a deed dated 1357, this William is styled : "Miles, filius et 
haeres Rogeri Seymour, Militis." This deed is dated from 
Woundy. (A Complete Peerage, taken from Dugdale.) 

Note 9. 

Simon de Brockburn of Brockburn, in Hereford, bv Joan, sister 
and heir to Sir Peter de la Mere. (Vincent's MS. ; Camden.) 

Note 10. 

" In the year 1829, the three shields on the upper part of the 
monument were still in existence ; two of them were broken, but 
the fragments had been preserved by the care of the parish clerk, 

3 68 


and were readily put together and secured in a bed of plaster of 
Paris. In the same year facsimiles of them were made in Bath 
stone by a clever sculptor at Oxford, and fixed in their respective 
places on the monument. 

" The shield on the dexter side of the inscription, the only one 
that remained but little injured, is that of Sir John Seymour, viz., 
Gules, two wings conjoined and inverted Or, impaling Sable, a 
chevron between three leopard's faces Or for Wentworth. 

" One-half of the shield over the inscription had been broken ofF ; 
it bore the ensigns of Sir Henry Seymour, K.B., viz., Seymour, 
with a crescent Gules for difference, impaling Quarterly, 

1. Argent, a fess between three martlets Gules, on a chief Sable, 
three wolf's heads erased Argent, for Wolfe of Gwerngotheyn ; 

2. Per Pale Sable and Azure, three fleurs-de-lis Or, for Wolfe 
Newton ; 3. Or, three wolves passant Azure, for Nanfant ; 
4. Argent, on a chevron Gules, between three stag's heads 
caboshed Sable, three bugle horns Argent, stringed Or, for Le 
Sore of St. Fagans. 

" On the sinister side of the inscription the arms are those of 
Seymour quartering the heiresses, with whom the family had 
previously intermarried, viz., Quarterly of six, 1. and 6. Seymour ; 
2. Vaire, for Beauchamp of Hache ; 3. Argent, three demi-lions 
couped Gules, for Esturmy ; 4. Per bend, Argent and Gules, 
three roses in bend counterchanged, for Macwilliams ; 5. Argent, 
on a bend Gules, three leopard's faces Or, for Coker. 

" The six shields on the face of the tomb, which were smaller 
than those above, having in the year above mentioned entirely 
disappeared, the spaces were filled up with newly sculptured 
bearings representing, 1. Seymour; 2. Beauchamp of Hache; 
De Fortibus (through Beauchamp), viz., Argent, on a chief 
ules, a label of five points Or ; 4. Esturmy ; 5. Mark Williams ; 
6. Coker. 

" These are the arms now on the face of the tomb, but it has been 
recently ascertained from Aubrey's MS., so frequently quoted in 
this magazine by its indefatigable Editor, that of these six spaces 
five were originally filled with the bearings of Sir John Seymour's 

" These were described by Aubrey, who visited the church in or 
about the year 1672. 

" The sixth shield was wanting in Aubrey's time, and it is impos- 
sible to conjecture with any degree of probability, whose coat filled 
the vacant space, or whether it was ever filled at all. The arms of 
all Sir John's children, who grew up and lived to be married, are 
quoted by the Antiquary. Possibly the Earl of Hertford, who 
erected the monument, may have added his own arms, or the coat of 
Seymour impaling the sixth quarterings of Wentworth." — (Wilt- 
shire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, i860.) 



Note ii. 

List of the Manors granted by King Henry VIII to Queen 
Jane upon her marriage : — Cokeham, Bray, Hampstead, Marshall, 
Benham, Swallowfield, Newbury, Wakefield, Stratfield, Mortimer, 
in Berks : Langley Marreys, W yrrerdesbury, Waddon, Cleydon, 
Burton, Wendover, in Bucks : Odcomb, Wilverton, in Cornwall : 
Gillingham, Pimperne, Eussect, Eundeville, Steeple, Crick, Wick, 
Weymouth, Portland, Helwell, Marshwood-vale, Cranbourn, in 
Dorset : Bradwell, Budley, Berdfield, in Essex : Bisleigh, in 
Glos'ter: Hoke, Mortimer, Worthy mortimer, in Hants: Kings- 
lane, Litchdale, Berdesley, Brimerfield, Misserdere, Barton Chorle- 
ton, Doughton, Winston, in Hereford : Hechyn, Beckhampstead, 
Langley, in Herts : part of Beckhampstead and Langley, in 
Huntingdon : Southfrith, Erith, Shillingeld, Tong, Kingsdown, 
Swanscomb, in Kent : Duping, Stamford, Grantham, Kelby, in 
Lincoln : Bircham, in Norfolk : Fotheringay, Nassington, Yar- 
well, Upton, in Northants : Finmer, in Oxon. : Heygrove, Corry- 
mallet, in Somerset : Watting, Exbury, Hunden, Clarethall, Sud- 
bury, Leyham, Woodhall, Great Wallingham, Little Wallingham, 
in Suffolk : Banstead, Walton, Shyre, Purlright, in Surrey : 
Corsham, Marlborough, Berton, Devizes, Kowde, Merston 
Mersey, Sevenhampton, Highworth, Crickdale, Chelworth, 
Wotton, Tokeham, Winterbourn, Compton Basset, Somerford, 
Caynes, Chilton, Foliatt, in Wilts : Feckenham, Bromegrove, 
King's Norton, Odingley, Cliston, in Worcester. 

List of the Castles granted by King Henry VIII to Oueen 
Jane upon her marriage : — Odiham Castle, in flants : RencKester 
Castle, in Kent : Fotheringay Castle, in Northants : Marlborough 
Castle and Devizes Castle, in Wilts. 

List of the Chases and Forests granted by King Henry VIII to 
Oueen Jane upon her marriage : — Whedclon Chase, in Bucks : 
Cranbourn Chase, Exmoor Forest, Bath Forest, Mendip Forest, 
in Dorset and Somerset : Melksham Forest, Penesham Forest, 
Blakamore Forest, Chippenham Forest, Bradon Forest, in Wilts. 

(nth Duke of Somerset's MSS.) 

Note 12. 

This epitaph has been freely translated as follows : — 

" Soon as her Phoenix bud was blown 
Root-Phoenix Jane did wither ; 
Sad, that no age a brace has shown 
Of Phoenixes together." 

Note 13. 

Gairdner. Henry VIII. Vol. xiii, 1538, 221. Coggeshall 
Abbey, February 5. 

2 B 



2. Debts and bargains of the house of Coxalle (Coggeshall) to be 
discharged by Sir Thomas Seymour, viz. : To the King for unpaid 
first fruits, Seymour to re-deliver to the Abbot of Tower Hill all 
remaining obligations, £166. To the Countess of Kent for 
money borrowed, ^189. To my lord of Essex for arrears of his 
fee, ^4 1 os. od. To Anth. Kriyvett, Pygot of the Chapel, and 
Sam fort, for arrears of their pensions. To Saunder for stuff for 
the house, to Highgate, for sheep remaining on the ground, and 
to Love, Cowper of Naylond, and Pecocke, etc. etc. . . . Sey- 
mour is to pay the Abbot £340 in compensation of charges 
sustained by him, for the house of Coxalle before and since the 
suppression, and for debts for which the Monastery of Tower Hill 
stands bound. The Abbot of Tower Hill shall also have a 
yearly pension of 100 marks for life, out of the lands of Coxalle, 
and Sir Thomas shall pay this annuity for the half year past, 
£33. 6,. U. \ . I 

A second document to the same effect is in App. 12, vol. xiii. 

646. (61) p. 246, to Sir Thos. Seymour. 

Grant in fee of the late Monastery of Coggeshall alias Coxhall, 
Essex ; the principal or chief site and church, etc., of the same ; 
the rectories and advowsons of the churches, vicarages, and 
rectories of Childerditch and Coggeshall alias Coxhall and the 
advowson of a perpetual chantrey in the parish church of Cogge- 
shall belonging to the said late monastery ; and all other manors, 
messuages, etc., in Coggeshall alias Coxhall, Magna and Parva 
Childerditch, Tillyngham, Thorndon, Wakeley, Brondewodde 
(Brendewode elsewhere), Springfield, Chelmesford, Borham, Tols- 
hunt, Tregony, Tolshunt Major, Tuworth, Messing, Wakering, 
Fulnes, Fering, Kelden, Bradwell, Patteswike, Stysted, Revenhale, 
Colne Comitis, Halsted, Magna Ley, Magna Braxted, Canewdon, 
Burnham, Aldern, and Fulnes, Essex, Wyston, Suff, the parishes 
of All Hallows ad Fenum in the ward of Dowgate, and St. 
Boltulph without Algate London, and elsewhere in England 
and Wales which belonged to the said late monastery. Rent 
£25. 2s. %\d. 

The premises came to the King's hand by virtue of a fine, 
levied in the Octaves of St. Hilary, 29 Henry VIII, between the 
King and Henry More, Abbot and perpetual commendatory of the 
said Cistercian Monastery of St. Mary, Coggeshall, of the Manors 
of Coggeshall alias Coxhall, Chylderdiche, Tyllyngham, Kewton 
Hall, Lyons, Tolshunt Major, Chedingsell, Tutwyke, Bonseys 
alias Bouseys, Holfeld graunge and Bunhey gatehouse, and certain 
messuages in Coggeshall and other places before mentioned ; the 
Manor of Honyley graunge alias Wiston graunge, and certain 
messuages in Wiston, Suff; and certain messuages etc. in the 
parishes of All Hallows ad Fenum in Dowgate Ward and St. 
Botolph without Algate ; and also by virtue of a charter of the 



said Abbot and convent of the said monastery, London dioc, 
dated Feb. 5. 29 Henry VIII, granting the said monastery and 
site to the King. Westm. palace, 18 March. 29 Henry VlIL 
Del 23 March.— -P.S. Pat., p. 5, m. 44. 

1 155. John Forster to Sir Thomas Seymour. December 28. 

Sends the state of the house of Romsey according to his request. 
The house is out of debt. The plate and jewels are worth £300 
or more. Six bells are worth £100 at least. The church is a 
great sumptuous thing, all of freestone and covered with lead, 
worth £300 or £400 more. (Here follow the rents of the 
Abbey of Romesey.) In answer to your letter by Mr. Flemynge 
whether the Abbess and nuns would be content to surrender their 
house, the truth is that in consequence of the motion made by 
your kinswoman and other friends, they will be content to do you 
any pleasure, but they would be loath to trust to the Commis- 
sioner's gentleness, as they hear that other houses have been straitly 
handled. — (Signed) Romesey. December 28. 

Note 14. 

Gairdner, Henry VIII. 1539. April 28. No. 867. Parlia- 

Cap. 24. Assurance ... of the commandry or lordship of 

Baddisley, Hants, to Sir Thomas Seymour, in tail male. 
I 9 I - (38) Grant Elis. the Abbess and the convent of St. Mary 

and St. Ethelfreda, Romesey, Hants, to alienate ... to 

Sir Thos. Seymour. 
1192. (31) Sir Thos. Seymour. License to alienate (amongst 

other things) Weston Graunge to Robt. Cowper. 
435- ( J 8) Grants. Sir Thos. Seymour. A grant in fee for 

£1,299. 5 s - 5^- °f tne Manor of Colleshull, etc. 

The following occur in 1540 : — 

611. (34) Sir T. Seymour. License to alienate . . . Chyder- 
dyche Hall and Tyllyngham Hall . . . formerly belong- 
ing to the said Monastery of Coggeshall ... to Sir 
Richard Riche, etc. 

744. Attainted lands. IX. Lands late of Sir John Fortescue 
... to Sir John Semer, from Mich. 31 Henry VIII. 

1500. Books of the Court of Augmentations. Leases of 
32 Henry VIII. Sir Thos. Seymour. Glebe lands and 
tithes of Kyrkeby, Kendall Rectory, Westmorland. 
St. Mary's, York. December 10. 

The following occur in 1541 : — 

Grants. 947. June. (44) Sir Thos. Seymour. Grant in 

2 B 2 



fee, in exchange for the late Monastery of Coggeshall 
alias Coxhall, Essex, etc. . . . sold to the Crown. 
May 12. 33 Henry VIII, and for ^2,693 2s. lid., of 
the late Monastery of Edington, Wilts, etc. 

(60) Sir Thos. Seymour. License to alienate the manors 
and hundred of Melkesham, Wilts, etc. etc. ... all 
of which belonged to the late Monastery of Amesbury, 
Wilts, to Hen. Brounker. Westm. June 26. 

(61) License to alienate rents, customs, and services, of that 
chief mansion of John Warneford in Sevenhampton . . . 
June 26. 

(83) License to alienate Tonesleas, etc. June 30. 
1056. (18) License to alienate . . . Petwyke, Berks . . . 

1308. (26) License to alienate . . . Manor of Inglesham, 
Berks. July. 

Note i 5. 

Later on his marriage was brought up as an accusation against 
him. " You married the late Queen so soon after the late King's 
death, that if she had conceived straight after, it would have 
been accounted a great doubt whether the child born should have 
been accounted the late King's or yours, whereby a marvellous 
danger might have ensued to the quiet of the realm." — "Articles 
against Seymour." 

Note 16. 

The Lord Marquis of Dorset's confession to the Council. 
No. 4, State Papers : — " The Lord Marquis Dorset sayeth, that he 
was fully determined that his daughter, the Lady Jane, should no 
more come to remain with the Lord Admiral. Howbeit my 
Lord Admiral himself came unto his house and was so earnest 
with him in persuasion, that he could not resist him. Among the 
which persuasions, one was, that he would marry her to the 
King's Majesty; saying further, that if he might get the King 
at liberty, he durst warrant the said Lord Marquis, that the King 
should marry his said daughter. And further, the said Lord 
Marquis sayeth, that Sir William Sharrington was as earnest, 
and travailled as fore with my lady his wife, that she should be 
content to let the said Lady Jane come to my Lord Admiral ; 
and, as I think, used the persuasions that my Lord Admiral did : 
and so persuaded her at the last to agree so ; and then he could 
not but consent. And that he the said Lord Marquis was so 
seduced and aveugled by the said Lord Admiral, that he promised 
him that, except the King's Majesty's person only, he would spend 
his life and blood in his the said Lord Admiral's part against all 


men. Wherefore as it were for an earnest penny of the favour 
that he would show unto him, when the said Lord" Marquis had 
sent his daughter to the said Lord Admiral, he sent unto the said 
Lord Marquis immediately ^500, parcel of ^2,000 which he 
promised to lend unto him, and would have axed no bond of him 
at all for it, but only to have had the Lord Marquis's daughter for 
a gage. Also the said Lord Marquis further said, that the said 
Admiral, in communications with him in his gallery, at his house 
besides the temple, said, that he loved not the Lord Protector, and 
would not have any Protector, but said, he would have the King 
to have the honour of his own things ; for, said he, of his years 
he is wise and learned. Marry, he thought it meet the Lord 
Protector might be chief of the Council. And though he, the 
said Admiral, could not as then do that he would wish, to alter 
the thing, yet sayeth he Let me alone see me, I will bring it to 
pass within this three years. 

" Henry Dorsett." 

Note 17. 

A portion of Thomas Parry's confession. State Papers. " When 
I went unto my Lord Admiral, the third and fourth time after he 
had asked me, how her Grace did, and such things, he had large 
communication with me of her, and questioned with me of many 
things, and of the state of her Grace's house, and how many 
persons she kept; and I told him 120 or 140, or thereabouts. 
And he asked me, what houses she had, and what lands ; and 1 
told him where the lands lay as near as I could, in Northampton- 
shire, Berkshire, Lincoln, and others. 

"Then he asked me, if it were good lands or no; and I told 
him they were out in lease, for the most part all, and therefore the 

"And he asked me also, what state she had in the lands, for 
term of life, or how : and I said, I could not perfectly tell, but I 
thought it was such as was appointed by her father's will and 
testament, the King's Majesty that dead is. Then he asked me, 
whether she had out her letters patent or no ? And I said no ; 
for there were divers things in them, that could not be assured yet 
to her ; and that a friend of her Grace's would help her to change 
a piece of land, which should be more commodious for her Grace. 
And he asked me who it was : and I said Morisyn, who would 
help her to have Lwelme for Apethorp. And then, as I remember, 
he said, ye may get your lands exchanged to better lands ; and 
let her then get out her letters patent ; and said, I would wish 
she had her lands westward or in Wales ; and said also, I will 
name or appoint one special piece in Gloucestershire, that was the 
Queen's, called the Bisley, in parcel of her exchange ; and I 



remember he told me then much of his three houses, Bewdley, 
Sudley, and Bromeham ; and that he had been of late at them ; 
and who lay at each of them ; and what provisions he had for the 
same ; and so compared the keeping of houses with the Lady 
Elizabeth, with less charge ; and many such things," &c. 

Note 18. 

" When the Councillors waited on the King, the Lord 
Chancellor opened the matter and delivered his opinion for leav- 
ing it to the Parliament. Then every Councillor by himself 
spoke his mind to the same purpose. Last of all the Protector 
spoke — he protested that this was to him a most sorrowful 
business, and that he had used all the means in his power to keep 
it from coming to this extremity. But were it a son, or brother, 
he must prefer his Majesty's safety to them, for he weighed his 
allegiance more than his own blood ; and that therefore he was 
not against the request that the other Lords had made, and said 
if he himself were guilty of such offences, he should not think he 
was worthy of life, and the rather because he was of all men the 
most bound to his Majesty, and therefore he could not refuse 
justice." — Cobbett's State Trials, vol. i, 493. 

Note 19. 

Lines attributed to Harrington, on the portrait of Lord 
Seymour of Sudley, afterwards in the possession of Henry 
Seymour, Esq. 

None can deem right who faithful friends do rest, 
Whilst they do rule and reign in great degree ; 
For then both fast and famed friends are prest 
Whose faiths seem both of one effect to be. 
But if that wealth unwind and fortune flee, 
As never known, revolts the unfaithful guest ; 
But he, whose heart in life once faith links fast, 
Will love and serve e'en after death is past. 
Of person rare, strong limbs, and manly shape, 
Of nature framed to serve on sea or land ; 
Of friendship firm in good state and ill hap, 
In peace, head wise, in war skill great, bold hand : 
On horse, on foot, in peril or in play, 
None could excel, though many did assay. 
A subject true to King, and servant great, 
Friend to God's truth, enemy to Rome's deceit ; 
Sumptuous abroad, for honor of the land, 
Temperate at home ; yet kept great state with stay, 
A noble house, and gave more mouths more meat, 



Than some advanced on higher steps to stand. 

Yet against nature, reason, and just laws, 

His blood was spilt, guiltless, without just cause. 

Printed in Nugae Antiquae, p. 330. The portrait and lines 
were given by Harrington to Elizabeth when she became Oueen. 

Note 20. 

July 21, 1528. Duke of Richmond to Henry VIII. "... I 
have received two of your letters, dated Tittenhanger, the 10th, 
desiring the preferment of Sir Giles Strangwisshe and Sir Edward 
Seymer, master of my horse, to rooms vacant by the death of 
Sir Wm. Compton. I send a list of the offices and the fees 
appertaining. I presume you mean that one of the said gentle- 
men is to be preferred to the Stewardship of Canforde. . . . " — 
Brewer, State Papers, Henry VIII. No. 4536. 

July 22, 1528. Magnus to Wolsey. "... The King has 
written to my lord of Richmond for two stewardships in the 
Duke's gift by the death of Sir Wm. Compton ; — the one at 
Canforde and Corfe and my Lord's lands in Dorsetshire, fee 100s.; 
the other of my Lord's lands in Somersetshire, fee j£6. 13. 4. — 
which he wishes given to Sir Giles Strangwisshe and Sir Edward 
Seymour. The King's letters mention only the first office, which 
cannot well be given to two persons. Sir Edward Seymour writes 
that both are intended for him. My lord, however, had already 
given the stewardship of Canforde and Corfte to Sir Will. Parre, 
his chamberlain, and of the Somersetshire lands to Geo. Cotton. 
. . . " — Brewer, State Papers, Henry VIII. No. 4547. 

March, 1529. Grant. Sir Edward Seymour. To be steward 
of the Manors of Hengstrige and Charleton, Somersetshire, with 
power to appoint bailiffs and other officers, vice Sir Wm. 
Compton. Del Richemont, 5 March, 20 Henry VIII. — 
Brewer, State Papers, Henry VIII. 

Note 21. 

September 27, 1531. H. Earl of Northumberland (then John 
Dudley) to Cromwell. Has received his letter dated London the 
24th inst. showing how Cromwell has moved the King in his 
behalf for the payment of his debt due to Sir Edw. Seymour at 
Michaelmas day, and how arrangement has been made with Sir 
Edward that he shall take no advantage at this time. Is much 
bound to the King for this. . . . — Gairdner's State Papers, 
HenrvVIII. 435. 

February 23, 1532. A bill of covenants comprised in a pair 
of indentures made February 6, 23 Henry VIII, between Lord 
Lisle and Sir Edward Seymour for the sale of Chadder Norton 



and other manors in Somerset. Seymour to pay a rent of ^140, 
Lord Lisle will pay him ^180 on March 1 at St. Paul's between 
12 and 3 o'clock. —Gairdner's State Papers, Henry VIII. 817. 
The following are of sufficient interest not to be out of place 

here : — 

July, 1532. Indenture, dated July 24. Henry VIII, between 
Sir (ferian Luke), treasurer of the King's (chamber), Thomas 
Cromwell, master and treasurer of the King's (jewels), and 
Chr. Hales, attorney general, on the part of the King and Sir 
Edward Seymer, whereby the latter acknowledges the receipt of 
^1,000 from the King, by way of present, to be repaid in two 
instalments in July 1533 and 1534, or sooner, if demanded; 
for which Sir Arthur Darcy, Sir John Dudeley, Ric. Riche and 
Ric. Fermour, merchant of the staple of Calais, stand sureties. — 
Gairdner's State Papers, Henry VIII. 1205. 

Privy purse expenses of fong Henry VIII. Payments in 
November (1529). 

. . . To Sir Edw. Seymore, on a reckoning between the King 
and him, £337 10s. 

January, 1530. To Master Seymore, £376 17s. 5d. — Gaird- 
ner's State Papers, Henry VIII. 

Lisle and Seymour. Complaint of Viscount Lisle against Sir 
Edw. Seymour for having got him to seal an indenture to his 
own prejudice, in the belief that it only concerned the purchase 
from Sir John Dudley of the reversion of the Manors of Norton 
Beauchamp, Lympisham Tornok, Saundeford, Abell, and Bridge- 
water, Somerset, to which it was necessary that he should give 
his assent. — Gairdner's State Papers, Henry VIII. 1551. 

Note 22. 

He was created Viscount Beauchamp in the following terms : — 
Ro. Pat. 1537. "The King, in consideration of the acceptable, 

food, and laudable service of his beloved and faithful servant, Sir 
Edward Saint Maure, knight, done, and to be done; as also of his 
circumspection, valour and loyalty, creates him Viscount Beau- 
champ, to him and the heirs male of his body hereafter to be 
begotten ; and for his and their support of that honour grants them 
an annuity of twenty marks, arising out of the issues, revenues, 
profits, farms, and fines of the counties of Somerset and Dorset, 
payable by the Sheriff of the same, without any deduction. 
Witness the King at Tiding, June 5, in the twenty-eighth year 
of his reign." 

Note 23. 

The following letters and grants relating to property, &c, and 
all belonging to this year, may be of interest : — 



Bishop Rowland Lee to Henry VIII. April 2, 1537. " . . . 
Of late I received a letter from my lord Privy Seal, whereby it 
appeareth your Majesty desires to have my house, etc. at the 
Stronde, for Lord Beauchamp, in exchange for one of his at Cewe 
(Kew) . . . When I attend on your Majesty at London, I 
have no other house there save that. And if I should take a 
house of that distance it should be tedious for me so far to seek 
my lodging. I beg your Majesty to suffer me to enjoy my said 
house . . . " — Gairdner. #06. 

John Pakyngton to Cromwell. April 3. To this effect. My 
lord President is very sad and in heaviness because Cromwell has 
written to him that the King desires to exchange his house and 
tenantries in the Strond (Strand) with my lord Beauchamp for a 
house of his at the Cewe (Kew) for anempst Braynford (Brent- 
ford). He hopes Cromwell will remind the King of his faithful 
service here, so that if he has to give up his house he may be 
recompensed with other lands to the same value. — Gairdner. 821. 

Bishop Rowland Lee to Cromwell. May 5. "... I have 
received, May 1, the King's letter and yours for exchange of my 
house in Stronde with lord Beauchamp. I am content to gratify 
my Prince, but marvel your lordship makes so little of my party 
that I should deliver my deed and know nothing of my recom- 
pense. I send it on your promise not to deliver it till I am 
recompensed, otherwise I have protested it shall never be my 
deed. Please give credence to my servant the bearer." From 
Wigmore, May 5. — Gairdner. 1139. 

Viscount Beauchamp to Cromwell. To this effect. Wishes 
to know how he has fared since the writer's departure. Wishes 
Cromwell were with him, when he should have had the best 
sport with bow, hounds and hawks. Master Lister has brought 
such hounds as are loath to diminish his game and his hawks 
favour the partridges. Cromwell has one friend here, Mr. Edgar, 
who seldom forgets him. Mr. Penison is also here, who says the 
King promised his wife a jointure when he married. " I beg you 
therefore to put him in the book if the King distributes any of 
the forfeited lands in the North. I also beg your favour for my 
chaplain." Wolfhall. September 2. 

There is a P.S. in his own hand, sending commendations to his 
brother-in-law (Henry) and sister, " and I pray God to send me 
by them shortly a nephew." 

" Lands in the possession or reversion " of the Earl of Hertford. 
1 Oct. 29 Henry VIII. First given him by the King ^604 
which with his inheritance amounts to ^1,054. Annuity on his 
creation of Viscount Beauchamp ^13 6s. 8d. Given him by the 
King at East Hampstead last summer /20. Annuity at his 
creation of Earl of Hertford ^20. Total £1,107 6 s - 8d., whereof 
fees of bailiffs, etc., amount to £c)\ 15s. And there is vearlv 



paid to the Lady Sayntmor, his mother, for her jointure, j£6o, and 
an annuity to Lord Lisle £120, and an annuity to one Quynten 
£24.. — Gairdner. 804. 

(His creation as E. of Hertford was only on October 18, 1537, 
so that either this date is retrospective, or he is called Earl by 

Note 24. 

Grants (22) Sir Edward Sainct Maur, Viscount Beauchamp, a 
patent granting him the title of Earl of Hertford with succession 

in tail male of himself, and of (left blank) his present wife, 

or any future wife, with ^20 a year, in support of the title, out 
of the customs and subsidies of the port of Southampton. Del. 
Hampton Court. October 18, 29 Henry VIII. — Gairdner. 

October 18. Upon St. Luke's Day, the 6th day after the birth 
of the aforesaid Prince Edward, Thursday, October 18, 1537, 
29 Henry VIII, was Viscount Beauchamp, created Earl of 
Hertford and Sir William Fitzwilliam, Lord Admiral, created 
Earl of Southampton. 

When the King had heard mass, the lords went into the 
King's closet to put on their robes, and Fitzwilliam wore his 
collar of the Garter. Then Norfolk, Exeter, and Sussex, being 
in their robes and collars, they went to the presence chamber, 
where the King was standing under his cloth of estate, accom- 
panied by his nobles. There Lord Beauchamp was presented 
first, being preceded by the officers of arms and Garter King-at- 
Arms, bearing his patent of creation, which was then presented 
by the Earl of Oxford, Lord Chamberlain, to the King, who 
delivered it to Lord Thomas Cromwell " then secretary." Sussex 
bare his sword with the pummel upwards, and the Viscount was 
led by Norfolk and Exeter. Cromwell read the patent aloud, 
and at the words "cincturam gladii," the King girt the sword 
about his left shoulder. Then the said Lord Secretary read out 
the letters patent and delivered them to the King, who gave them 
to the Earl of Hertford, who thanked the King. — Gairdner. 939. 

Note 25. 

" Sibi et heredibus masculis de corpore suo per dictum dominum 
Annam procreat. Et vide heredibus masculis de corpore suo per 
aliquam mulierem post mortem dictae dominae Annae, eidem 
vicecomitis nubend legitime procreat " (to himself and the heirs 
male of his body, and Anne, his then wife, that are either now 
begotten of the said Anne, or may hereafter be legitimately 
begotten of the said Anne, or any other wife he may hereafter 



marry). And the other part entailed by the said letters 
patent : " Sibi et dominae Annae uxori ejus, et heredibus masculis 
de corpore ipsius vicecomitis per dictam dominam Annam legi- 
time, aut aliam mulierem post mortem dictas dominae Annae 
eidem vicecomiti nubend, remanere, inde heredibus femalis de 
corpore ipsius vicecomitis legitime procreat." 

The Act of 1540 entailed the Maiden Bradley and Sturmy 
estates in the following extraordinary and unjust manner : — 

The eldest son, John, was entirely overlooked and consequently 
disinherited. The Earl's estates were settled upon his children 
by his second wife and, in default of issue by that marriage, with 
the remainder to Edward Seymour, his second son by his first 
wife. In case of failure of Edward's issue the remainder was 
to Sir Thomas Seymour, the Earl's younger brother, and his 
heirs, remainder to the right heirs of Edward Seymour. Any 
future estate that should come to the Earl was by this Act settled 
in the same manner. This involved consequences that were not 
immediately foreseen, for by virtue of it, any estate subsequently 
conferred upon the Earl by grant from the Crown, was settled in 
a way which the King might not intend ; and persons, who 
enfeoffed the Earl in their lands and tenements to their uses, 
were defrauded, as he became seised of the property to his own 
use. The following is a list of the manors and estates in Wilts, 
which belonged to the Earl on May 25, 1540. Names of 
manors : — 

Woolton Eyvers, Burbage Sturmy, Sturmes Wyke, Studste- 
combe, Croston, Bedwin, Stapleford, Cowli field Sturmy, Burbage 
Savage, Wolfhall, Tryhelden, Lydcombe, Homyngton, Ablington. 
Situation of estates: — Collingborne, Wilton, Marlborough, West- 
combe, Bowden Swods, Collings Downes, BaylycIifV, Box, 
Brodeton, Stapleford, Fitzwarren, Bedwyne, and Croston. 

Note 26. 

Sir William Paget to the Earl of Hertford. State Papers. 
"My duty to your good Lordship remembered. It may like the 
same to understand that the King's Majesty hath received your 
sundry letters, and taketh in good part your proceeding, and other 
advertisements contained in the same. Nevertheless (if it should 
please you to give me leave to write to you my poor advice, as I 
promised your lordship to do at your departing) I would wish 
that, if you fortune to find anything amiss there in those parts, 
ou should rather amend them, if they be such as must and may 
c amended, with the advice of such others of the Council as be 
there with you than to signify hither that they be amiss, as you 
did lately, touching the laying of the Borderers to be of the 
garrison, whereby you say the King's Majesty was put to a 

3 8o 


greater charge than needed ; and also the borders weakened by 
the same : with which your advertisement some of your friends 
here were offended, albeit the King's Majesty found no fault at it 
and yet such reasons in the communing of that matter were 
showed, as whereby it appeareth to me and the rest here, that if 
inland men had been of the garrison, neither so many, nor yet so 
notable exploits had been done within Scotland as hath been ; but 
as the Italian saith, Basta, I trust your lordship will take this my 
folly in good part, and think that men may better speak or do, 
being present, than absent. Thus with my prayer that you and 
the rest may have good success in the journey, I bid your good 
lordship most heartily well to fare. 

" From Westminster the day of April, 1 543. 

" Your lordships unfained poor friend, 

" William Paget. 

" Your lordship shall do well to salute now and then, with a 
word or two in a letter, my Lord of Suffolk, and my Lord 
Wriothesley, and such, as you shall think good, forgetting not 
Mr. Denye ." 

Note 27. 

Two years after, Paget wrote to the Protector : " What seeth 
your Grace, marry, the King's subjects all out of discipline, out of 
obedience, carrying neither for Protector nor King. What is the 
matter ? Marry, sir, that which I said to your Grace in the 
gallery. Liberty ! Liberty ! and your Grace s too much gentle- 
ness, your softness, your opinion to be good to the poor — the 
opinion of such as saith to your Grace, ' Oh, sir, there was 
never man that had the hearts of the poor as you have.' " 

Note 28. 

The Earl of Hertford to Sir William Paget. (Tytler's England 
under Edward VI and Mary.) 

" This morning, between one and two, I received your letter. 
The first part thereof I like very well ; marry, that the Will should 
be opened till a farther consultation, and that it might be well con- 
sidered how much thereof were necessary to be published ; for 
divers respects I think it not convenient to satisfy the world. In 
the meantime I think it sufficient, when ye publish the King's 
death, in the places and times as ye have appointed, to have the 
Will presently with you, and to show that this is the Will, naming 
unto them severally who be the executors that the King did specially 
trust, and who be Councillors ; the contents at the breaking up 
thereof, as before, shall be declared unto them on Wednesday in the 



morning at the Parliament house ; and in the meantime we to meet 
and agree therein, as there may be no controversy hereafter. For the 
rest of your appointments, for the keeping of the Tower, and the 
King's person, it shall be well done ye be not too hasty therein ; 
and so I bid you heartily farewell. From Hartford, January 29, 
between three and four in the morning. 

" Your assured loving friend, 

" E. Hertford. 

" I have sent you the key of the Will." 

The Earl of Hertford and Sir Anthony Browne to the Council. 
(Tytler's England.) 

" Your lordships shall understand that I, the Earl of Hertford, 
have received your letter concerning a pardon to be granted in 
such form as in the schedule ye have sent, and that ye desire to 
know our opinion therein. 

" For answer thereunto, ye shall understand we be in some 
doubt whether our power be sufficient to answer unto the King's 
Majesty that now is, when it shall please him to call us to account 
for the same. And in case we have authority so to do it, in our 
opinion the time will serve much better at the Coronation than 
at present. For if it should be now granted, his Highness can 
show no such gratuity unto his subjects when the time is most 
proper for the same ; and his father, who we doubt not to be in 
heaven, having no need thereof, shall take the praise and thanks 
from him that hath more need thereof than he. 

"We do very well like your device for the matter; marry, 
we would wish it to be done where the time serveth most proper 
for the same. 

" We intend the King's Majesty shall be a-horseback to-morrow 
by XI of the clock, so that by III we trust his Grace shall be at 
the Tower. So if ye have not alreadv advertised my Lady Anne 
of Cleves of the King's death, it shall be well done ye send some 
express person for the same. 

" Ana so, with our right hearty commendations we bid you 
farewell. From Enfield this Sunday night, at XI of the clock. 

"Your good lordships assured loving friends, 

" E. Hertford, 
"Anthony Browne." 

Note 29. 

The Protector's prayer on commencing his administration. 
"Thou Lord, by thy providence has caused me to rule. Iam, 
by thy appointment, minister for thy King, shepherd for thy people. 



By thee Kings do reign and from thee all power is derived ; govern 
me as I shall govern ; etc. etc. 

According to Gardiner, it was not the Protector who had caused 
the deposition of Wriothesley : " Your Grace," he said, " showed 
him so much favour that all the world commended your gentle- 
ness." — Froude's Hist. 

Note 30. 

Fuller, in his Church History, says of this : " Edward Semaure, 
the King's uncle, lately made Lord Protector and Duke of 
Somerset, ordered all in church and state. He, by the King's 
power, or if you please, the King in his protection, took speedy 
order for reformation of religion ; and being loth that the people 
of the land should live so long in error and ignorance, till a 
Parliament should be solemnly summoned (which for some reasons 
of state could not so quickly be called), in the meantime by his own 
regal power and authority, and the advice of his wise and honourable 
council chose commissioners, and sent them with instructions into 
several parts of the kingdom, for the rooting out of superstition." 
The substance of these injunctions to the number of thirty-six 
will be found in Fuller's Church History. Further on he again 
says : " Let us admire God's wisdom in our first reformers, who 
proceeded so moderately in a matter of so great consequence ; to 
reform all at once had been the ready way to reform nothing 

It is curious to find that one of the things in these injunctions 
to which Calvin took exception was the praying for the dead, 
which was one of the things he termed " tolerabiles ineptias " or 
tolerable fooleries. 

Note 31. 

The imprisonment and severe treatment of Gardiner were 
brought about by the Council, especially Cranmer. The Pro- 
tector had little to do with it, being, indeed, absent in Scotland 
when Gardiner was summoned before the Council and imprisoned 
for neglecting their injunctions. When he returned he sent him 
his own physician, and did what he could to make his confinement 
more endurable. Their relations were always friendly and, even 
after his fall, Somerset did his utmost to obtain his release and to 
prevent his deprivation. This, indeed, was one of the causes that 
led to his death. In fact, Somerset, when in power, would never 
sanction the deprivation of any Bishop, even when Parliament 
required that of the Bishop of Worcester, and not one was deprived 
during his term of office. 

(See England under Protector Somerset. Pollard.) 



Note 32. 

An augmentation of arms granted by King Edward VI to 
Edward, Duke of Somerset. 

Or on a pile Gules between six Fleurs de Lis, Azure ; three 
Lions of the field passant Gardant, tongu'd and ungul'd Azure. 

Note 33. 

About this time the Duke had an opportunity, of which he was not 
slow to avail himself, of increasing his possessions. The Pomeroys 
had been established at the place which bears their name in Devon- 
shire, ever since the Conquest, but from various causes had become 
greatly impoverished. Sir Thomas Pomeroy had mortgaged the 
greater part of his estates to Sir Wymond Carew for the sum of 
£2,300, and had granted him a long lease of the remainder without 
receiving any rent in return. The Duke of Somerset had before 
acq uirea some interest in the property, and he now redeemed 
the whole, and paid in addition j/, 1,200 to Sir Thomas and Sir 
Wymond. The estates were very large, and comprehended the 
manors of Berry and Bridgetown Pomeroy, the adjoining parish of 
Sandridge, Harberton on the other side of Totnes, and Brixham 
by Torbay. Wyll and Eglyffbrd were also included in the 

Berry castle was the principal seat. Around it were two parks 
of a large size, the wall of one of which still stands to mark a 
portion of its boundary. Without including these or the small 
interest which the Duke had before acquired, the annual value of 
the purchase was then computed to be at least ^224. The vendor 
was pledged to its yielding that amount by a very peculiar arrange- 
ment ; for the Duke engaged to convey to Sir Thomas, before the 
next feast of Pentacost, lands in Devon of the clear yearly 
value of ^148 ; but in case the Berry estate should fall short of 
the amount before mentioned, the Duke was to retain, out of the 
lands promised to Sir Thomas, as much as would cover the defi- 
ciency. In adjusting this amount, the value of the land was to 
be reckoned at ten years' purchase. The Duke also particularly 
and expressly stipulated to have all writings delivered up to him, 
which accounts for the Seymours afterwards possessing so many 
papers of the Pomeroys, some of which were of a date almost 
coeval with the conquest. The transactions in connection with 
this property took some time to settle. On the 7th July, 1548, 
the Duke agreed to make over to Sir Thomas Pomeroy an estate, 
for three lives, of the manors of Brfxham, Sandridge, Wyll, Egly- 
fford, an estate in fee simple in the manors of Parkhurst and 
Lancraff, and to obtain for him the grant of the land of the late 
chantry of Plympton, in consideration of a fine of the castle and 



park of Berry Pomeroy, and of the manors of Berry Bridgetown 
and Harberton, to be levied by Sir Thomas and his lady. At the 
same time Sir Thomas Pomeroy signed a general release to free 
the Duke from the obligation contained in the former indenture, 
as well as from all recognizances into which he had previously 

The final deeds respecting the purchase of Berry Pomeroy were 
not ratified until the 29th of October, 1548. The amount finally 
mentioned is 3,000 acres of land, etc., and the fishery in the Dart. 
(An account of the purchase of Berry Pomeroy by the nth 
Duke of Somerset in his collection of Seymour family papers, 
letters, and notes.) 

Note 34. 

The grant of an additional revenue which the Protector had re- 
fused on his return from Scotland, was now again taken into con- 
sideration, and he now petitioned that in lieu of that which was 
intended for him, he might have a licence to purchase of the 
Bishop of Bath and Wells certain lands belonging to that see. 
This was granted and, as was the usual result of such licences, 
the church had to part with its property for much less than it was 
worth. In the end, however, it was found that the property did 
not yield as much as had originally been intended, and another 
grant from the Crown was therefore resolved upon. (Froude's 

By an Act in 1530, the large possessions in Dorsetshire, formerly 
belonging to Sir William Fillol, had been settled upon Sir Edward 
Seymour. Now that he was Duke of Somerset, he desired to 
increase his property in that part of England, and he now, July 20, 
received a grant of the manor of Wimborne, belonging to the 
Duchy of Lancaster. He already had great hereditary possessions 
in Wiltshire, to which the manors of Standen, North Standen, 
Okell, and Hungerford were now added. The grant also included 
the domain of Thetford, in Norfolk ; certain lands in the forest of 
Chalfts, in Wilts and Hants ; the manor of Cowfold, a part of the 
possessions of the late monastery at Malmesbury ; the hundred 
of Rowburgh, Rushmore, and Hasils, in Dorset ; a manor in 
Gloucester, and the manors of Reading and Whitley, part of the 
possessions of the late attainted monastery at Reading. 

(nth Duke of Somerset's MSS.) 

Note 35. 

Sir Johji Thynne was said by Paget to have been amongst the 
worst of the Protector's friends. The following story is curious 



and of some interest. " William Wycheriy examined saith — that 
about ten years past he used a rule called Circula Salamonis, at a 
place called Pembersham, in Sussex, to call up Baro, whom he 
taketh as oriental or septentrial spirit ; where was also one Robert 
Bayly, the scryer of the crystal stone, Sir John Anderson, the 
magister operator, Sir John Hychely, and Thomas Gosling, in the 
which practice they had swords, rings, and holy water, when they 
were frustrated, for Baro did not appear nor other vision of spirit, 
but there was a terrible wind and tempest all the time of the 
circulation. And since that time he used no concentrate circule, 
but hath used the crystal to invocate the sprat called Scariot, which 
he called divers times into the crystal to have knowledge of things 
stolen ; which sprat had given him knowledge an hundred time, 
and thereby men have been restored to their £oods. And this 
practice by the crystal he hath at the command of mv Lord Pro- 
tector executed in the presence of Mr. Thynne, Mr. Whalley, 
Mr. George Blage, Mr. Chaloner, and Mr. Wcldon ; and by this 
means my Lord Protector's plate was found where deponent told 
his Grace it was hid. He saith that he can invocate the sprat into 
the crystal glass as soon as any man, but he cannot bind the sprat 
so soon from lying lies." — Froude's Hist. 

Note 36. 

Letter of the King to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of 
London, in behalf of the Lord Protector. 


By the King. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We charge and 
command you most earnestly to give order, with all speed, for the 
defence and preservation of that our city of London for us ; and 
to levy out of hand, and to put in order, as many as conveniently 
you may, well weaponed and arrayed, keeping good watch at the 
gates ; and to send us hither for the defence of our person, one 
thousand of that our city of trusty and faithful men, to attend upon 
us, and our most entirely beloved uncle, Edward, Duke of Somer- 
set, governor of our person, and protector of our realm, dominions, 
and subjects, well harnessed, and with good and convenient 
weapons ; so that they do make their repair hither unto us this 
night, if it be possible, or at least to-morrow before noon ; and, in 
the mean time to do what appertaineth unto your duty, for ours 
and our said uncle's defence against all such as attempt any con- 
spiracy or enterprise of violence against us or our said uncle, as 
you know best for our preservation and defence at this present. 

Given under our signet, at our manor of Hampton-court the 
sixth of October, the third year of our reign. 

2 C 

3 86 


You shall further give credit to our trusty and well-beloved 
Owen Cleydon, the bearer hereof, in all such things as he shall 
further declare unto you on behalf of us, and our said uncle the 
Lord Protector. 

(Haynes, State Papers.) 

Note 37. 

A letter of the Lord Protector to the Lord Russel, Lord Privy 
Seal, concerning troubles working against him. 

After our right hearty commendations to your good lordship ; 
here hath of late risen such a conspiracy against the King's 
Majesty and us, as never hath been seen, the which they cannot 
maintain but with such vain letters and false tales surmised as was 
never meant or intended of us. They pretend and say, that we have 
sold Boulogne to the French, and that we do withhold wages from 
the soldiers ; and other such tales and letters they do spread abroad 
(of the which if any one thing were true, we would not wish to 
live) : the matter now being brought to a marvellous extremity, 
such as we would never have thought it could have come unto, 
especially of these men, towards the King's Majesty and us, of 
whom we have deserved no such thing, but rather much favor and 
love. But the case being as it is, this is to require and pray you to 
hasten you hither to the defence of the King's Majesty, with such 
force and power as you may, to show the part of a true gentleman, 
and of a very friend : the which thing we trust God shall reward, 
and the King's Majesty in time to come, and we shall never be 
unmindful of it too. 

We are sure you shall have other letters from them, but as you 
tender your duty to the King's Majesty, we require you to make 
no stay, but immediately repair, with such force as ye have, to 
his highness in his castle of Windsor, and cause the rest of such a 
force as ye may make to follow you. And so we bid you right 
heartily farewell. 

From Hampton-court the 6th of October. 

Your lordship's assured loving friend, 

Edward Somerset. 

Note 38. 

A letter of the Lord Protector to certain Lords of the Council 
assembled at London. (Haynes, State Papers.) 

My Lords, we commend us most heartily unto you : and whereas 
the Icing's majesty was informed that you were assembled in such 



sort as you do now also remain ; and was advised by us, and such 
other of his council as were then here about his person, to send master 
secretary Peter unto you, with such message as whereby might 
have ensued the surety of his majesty's person, with preservation of 
his realm and subjects, and the quiet both of us and yourselves, as 
master secretary can well declare to you : his majesty, and we of 
his council here, do not a little marvel that you stay still with you 
the said master secretary, and have not, as it were, vouchsafed to 
send answer to his majesty, either by him or yet any other. And 
for ourselves we do much marvel, and are right sorry, as both we 
and you have good cause to be, to see the manner of your doings 
bent with force of violence, to bring the king's majesty and us to 
these extremities. Which as we do intend, if you will take no 
other way but violence, to defend (as nature and our allegiance 
doth bincf us) to extremity of death, and to put all to God's hand, 
who giveth victory as it pleaseth him ; so that if any reasonable 
conditions and offers would take place (as hitherto none have been 
signified unto us from you, nor do we understand what you do 
require or seek, or what you do mean), and that you do seek no 
hurt to the king's majesty's person ; as touching all other private 
matters, to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, and to preserve 
the king's majesty's person, his realm and subjects, you shall find 
us agreeable to any reasonable condition that you will require. 
For we do esteem the king's wealth and tranquility of the realm, 
more than all other worldly things ; yea more than our life. Thus, 
praying you to send us your determinate answer herein by master 
secretary Peter, or, if you will not let him go, by this bearer, we 
beseech God to give both you and us grace to determine this 
matter, as may be to God's honour, the preservation of the king, 
and the quiet of us all ; which may be, if the fault be not in you. 
And so we bid you most heartily farewell. 

From the king's majesty's castle of Windsor, the 7th October, 


Your lordships' loving friend, 

E. Somerset. 

Note 39. 

List of manors and estates settled on the Duke and Duchess of 
Somerset by the Act for his fine and ransom, in the 3rd and 4th 
Edward VI. 

In Wiltshire. 

The manors of Sherston, Thornhill, Monketon next Chipnam, 
Echerfounte with the farm there, Alcanings with the farm there, 
Stapleford, Midgehall, Croston, Clatford, Huish, Froxfield, Ames- 
bury, Brodtown, Easton Drewes, Cowlesfield in the parish of 

2 C 2 

3 88 


Whiteparish, Trowbridge, Shalborn Dormer, Ramsbury, Maun- 
ton Preshute, Pewsey, Charleton, Knoll, Everleigh, Chelworth, 

The estates of Monketon next Chipnam, Monketon next Brough- 
ton, Slaughtonford, Boxe, Wraxhall, Sopworth, Alington, Maiden 
Bradley, Collingburn, Brom farm, Corston parcel of Studley 
grange, Studley grange, Stuttiscombe, Wotton house, Fitzwarren, 
Titcombe, Oxenwood, Westcombe, Bedwin, Amesbury site, 
Amesbury Reve, Amesbury Farm, Easton Drewes, parcel of 
Biddenstoke, Burbage Savage, Sturmy, Wotton Rivers, Burbage 
Darell, Easton warrens, Collingbourn Dormer, West Grafton, 
East Grafton, Collingborn, Collingburn Kingston, Northwinter- 
burn otherwise called Rabeston, Hippingscombe, Shalborn 
Escourt, Breydon otherwise called Temple Closes, Asserton, 
farm, Bedwin prebend, Langeden, Wike, Wolfhall, Mildenhall, 
the prebend of Acford, Rothefen prebends, Chrisbury late 
Cobhams, Alderbury hundred, Amesbury hundred, Kindwardston 
hundred, Silkley hundred, Hungerford (partly in Berks). 

In Dorsetshire. 

The manors of Kingston and Povington ; the estates of Estring- 
ton farm, Symesborough, the cell of Horton, the cell of Holme. 

In Oxfordshire. 
The manor of Brambury. 

In Devonshire. 

The manors of Ottery St. Mary, Topsham, Exminster, Tiver- 
ton, Fremington, Bulkeworthy, Beauforde, Uptomyne, Marsh, 
Plympton, Berry Pomeroy with the members of the hundred of 
Exmistre and Estyngton mouth, Shneford. 

The estates of Tiverton Borough, Heaunton, Pemtherdon, 
Kydelcombe, Heaunton foreign, Raytakelrey Healpore, Tiverton 
hundred, Fremington hundred, Plympton hundred. 

In Somersetshire. 

The manors of Abbott, Ilminster, Hilcombe, Midleney, Hay- 
grove, Bridgehampton, Southarpe, Turnock, Sandford, Periton, 
Windeyates, Cheddarm Westoker, Ilton, Pulton, Westpeminde, 
Balton's borough, Weston, Othery, Walton, East Brent, Stowey, 
Muddlesley, Mark, More, Wyke, Wollasington, Dunpole, Ote- 
combe, Combe, Banwell, Chewe, Wokeye. 

The estates of Spekington, Chellington, Westbarn farm, Pasture 
of Hickes park, pasture of Sheppard grove, Holt pasture, Law- 
rence, Lydeyarde, Beauchamp Shepton, Norton Beauchamp, 
Hache Beauchamp, Cheddar, Axbridge, Yerneshill, Westarnell, 
Downehead, Stowgurce, Wikefitzpaine, the farm of Bellerita^ 

NOTES. 389 

Estbitroy, Westbitroy, Westoker hundred, Middle Sowye, North 
Penot, South Brent, South Brent Huish, Church lands, Stokeland 
Lovell, Honybere, Lyllestock, Wynford Rivers, Brampton RaiF, 
Bishop's Cheddar, Blackford, Castle Cary, Yarnfield, the Pott and 
Marrey, Winterstoke hundred, Cheve hundred, Barton hundred, 
Brent and Wrington hundred, Whiteleigh hundred, Whelstone, 
Blackford hundred. 

In Southamptonshire. 
The manors of Evetham and Moksfount. 

In Gloucestershire. 

The manors of Standish, Trocester, Yeate, Weston Birte, 
Ablington, Standharst, Pulton, Marshfield. 

The estates of Horton prebend, Frampton Cotterell, North- 
standen, Standen, Okehill. 

In Berkshire. 

The manor of Whiteleigh and the estate of Eastbury. 

In Lincolnshire. 

The manor of Sleford. 

•In Warwickshire. 
The manor of Belfall. 

In Surrey. 
The manor of Combernwell. 

In Middlesex. 

The manors of Stroud, Alcotes, Burston ; and the estates of 
Sion, Covent garden, Liston, St. John's Wood, Isleworth.' 

(nth Duke of Somerset's MS. relating to Seymour family.) 

Note 40. 

List of manors and estates given to the King in lieu of the fine 
and ransom which he was pleased to take of the Duke of Somerset. 

In Somersetshire. 

Wells, Wells foreign, Wells borough, Wellington, Wellington 
borough, Evercrick, Cranmer, the liberties of Wells, Woodmow, 
Dungate, Beniston park and hundred. 

In Dorsetshire. 

Canford, the town of Poole, Kingston large, Marshewodde, the 



isle of Purbeck, Knoll steeple, Chrich, Corfe castle, Chetred chase, 
Berdberry and Walford hundreds, Holt chase and park, Reading. 

In Buckinghamshire. 
Woodburn, Tinghurst. 

In Huntingdonshire. 


In Southamptonshire. 

Hursboon, Ringwood, Christchurch constable, Christchurch 

In Wiltshire. 

Wotton Vetus, Vasterne park, Alborn, Ludgersall, Savernake 
forest, Chewte Finkeley, Dolles. 

In Somersetshire. 

Glastonbury, Norwood and Wirral, Mere, Berchers, Lympes- 
ham, Lymplesham, Estreate, Budeleigh, Streate, the liberties of the 
Hydes of Glastonbury, Widmore, North Petreton. 

(nth Duke of Somerset's MS. relating to Seymour family.) 

Note 41. 

Somerset had built Sion house some time previously, and had 
made a fine botanical garden there. He was very fond of this, and 
was one of the first promoters of the science of botany in England. 
We are told that the property was formerly a convent, which was 
given him by Edward VI, and "that he began soon after to erect 
on its site the magnificent structure, whose shell, though variously 
altered, still remains (1803). The gardens were enclosed by high 
walls before the east and west fronts, and were laid out in a very 
grand manner, but being made at a time when extensive views 
were deemed inconsistent with the stately privacy affected by the 
great, they were so situated as to deprive the house of all prospect. 
To remedy that inconvenience, the Protector built a high triangular 
terrace in the angle between the walls of the two gardens ; and this 
it was that his enemies afterwards did not scruple to call a fortifica- 
tion, and to insinuate that it was one proof, among others, of his 
having formed a design dangerous to the liberties of the king and 

About the same time he built Somerset house on the site of that 
formerly occupied by Bishop Rowland Lee, who had been made to 
exchange it with Somerset for a house at Kew by order of 
Henry VIII. The building of it gave some offence to a certain 


39 1 

section of the people, for it was built out of the stone, timber, and 
lead taken from the houses of the bishops of Worcester, Litchrield, 
and LlandafF; the parish church, St. Paul's cloister; two chapels ; 
a charnel house j and the greater part of the church of St. John of 
Jerusalem, near Smithfield. It was one of the first attempts to 
restore ancient architecture in England. In later times James I, 
his Queen, Anne, and Catherine de Medici, held their court there, 
and the front to the river was rebuilt by Inigo Jones. The whole 
structure, with the water gate, was taken down in 1770 to be 
rebuilt into apartments for public offices. 

"This Somerset house," says Fuller, in his Church History, "is 
so tenacious of his name, that it would not change a duchy for a 
kingdom, when solemnly proclaimed by King James, Denmark 
house, from the King of Denmark's lodging therein, and his sister 
Queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it argueth that this 
Duke was well beloved, because his name made such an indelible 
impression on this his house, whereof he was not full five years 
peaceably possessed." 

Note 42. 

The King gave him back the castle of Marlborough, all his 
lordships and manors of Burton, Ludgershall, Alborn, and Old 
Wotton ; his parishes of Ludgershall, Great Vastern, Little 
Vastern, Alborn Chase, and Alborn Warren ; the forests of 
Brudon and Savernake, in Wilts, and divers other manors and lands 
in the counties of Wilts, Hants, Dorset, Somerset, Middlesex, 
Berks, and Bucks. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke.) 
Note 43. 

Froude says, " It is to be remarked that in the subsequent pro- 
ceedings, although the banquet was alluded to, the intended scene 
of it was not again mentioned. Neither Paget nor Arundel was 
tried, although, if any plot was really formed for the murder, 
Arundel was one of the principal persons concerned in it." 

Note 44. 

The Duke of Northumberland before his death earnestly en- 
treated for an interview with Somerset's sons : — " Au quels il crya 
mercy de l'injustice qu'il avoit faict a leur Pere, Protecteur de 
l'Angleterre, congnoissant avoir procure sa mort a tort et faulse- 
ment. Palmer avant sa mort a confesse que l'escripture et l'accusa- 
tion qu'il advouche et maintint contre le feu Protecteur estoit 

392 NOTES. 

fausse, fabricquee par le diet due (de Northumberland) et advoue 
par luy a la requeste du diet due." — Simon Renard to Charles V. 

(MS., Record Office.) 

Note 45. 

Lord Coke, commenting upon the trial, observes that, even 
admitting the tenth of the evidence, the verdict was not justified, 
because there had been no proclamation calling on the Duke and 
his confederates to disperse ; and it was only by persisting, after 
such proclamation had been read, that his conduct came under the 
Treason Act. Northumberland probably anticipated the objection, 
and was contented with an ordinary verdict of felony under the 
common law (Froude's History). Edward, writing to his friend 
Barnaby Fitzpatrick, says, "after debating the matter from nine 
of the clock till three, the Lords went together, and there weighing 
that the matter seemed only to touch their lives, although after- 
wards more inconveniences might have followed, and that men 
might think they did it of malice, acquitted him of high treason, 
and condemned him of felony, which he seemed to have confessed." 

(Litt. remains Edward VI.) 

a But it is not however until the meeting of (the Council) 
Jan. 23, 1551-2, when we find an entry referring to the 'late 
Duke of Somerset,' that we learn how complete was Northumber- 
land's triumph, as the Council is silent as to the trial and execution 
of his once all-powerful rival, though an entry on the preceding day 
authorises Sir Philip Hobby to supply the prisoner with money to 
be bestowed in alms before his execution. ' (Dasent's Preface to 
the Acts of the Privy Council in England. 1 550-1552.) 

Note 46. 

During the next reign, when the Duke of Northumberland was 
being led through the city to his execution, a lady, who had 
retained one of these handkerchiefs, shook it in his face and cried 
out, " Behold the blood of that worthy man, that good uncle of 
that excellent King, which, shed by thy malicious practises, does 
now apparently revenge itself on thee." 

Note 47. 

The following curious story taken from the memorials of Arch- 
bishop Cranmer is perhaps worth reading. " The Arch, of Canter- 
bury this year lost the Duke of Somerset, whom he much valued, 
and who had been a great assistant to him in the reformation of 
the church, and a true friend to it. His violent death exceedingly 



grieved the good Archbishop, both because he knew it would prove 
a great let to religion, and was brought about by evil men to the 
shedding of innocent blood, for the furthering the ends of ambition ; 
and begat in him fear and jealousies of the King's life. It is very- 
remarkable what I meet with in one of my manuscripts (Harleian 
MSS., 425). There was a woman somewhat before the last appre- 
hension of the Duke, wife of one Woocock, of Poole in Dorset- 
shire, that gave out, that there was a voice that followed her, which 
sounded these words always in her ears : ' He whom the King did 
best trust should deceive him, and work treason against him.' 
After she had a good while reported this, Sir William Berkeley, 
who married the Lord Treasurer Winchester's daughter, sent her 
up to London to the Council, with two of his servants. She was 
not long there, but, without acquainting the Duke of Somerset, 
whom it seemed most to concern (he being the person whom the 
King most trusted), was sent home again with her purse full of 
money and, after her coming home, she was more busy in that talk 
than before. So that she came to a market town called Wimborne, 
four miles from Poole, where she reported, that the voice continued 
following her as before. This looked, by the circumstances, like a 
practice of some Popish priests, accustomed to dealing in such 
frauds, to make the world the more inclinable to believe the guilt 
of the good Duke, which Somerset's enemies were now framing 
against him. And so some of the wiser sort thereabouts did seem 
to think ; for there were two merchants of Poole that heard her, 
and took note of her words, and came to the house of Hancock, 
minister of Poole, who was known to the Duke, counselling him 
to certify my lord of her. Which Hancock accordingly did, and 
came to Sion, where the Duke then was, and told nim of the 
words. He added, 1 whom the King doth best trust we do not 
know, but that all the King's loving subjects did think that his 
Grace was most worthy to be best trusted ; and that his Grace had 
been in trouble : and that all the King's loving subjects did pray 
for his Grace to the Almighty to preserve him, that he might 
never come in the like trouble again.' 

u Then the Duke asked him whether he had a note of the words ; 
which when he had received from Hancock, he said to him, sus- 
pecting the plot, ' Ah ! sirrah, tin's is strange, that these things 
should come before the Councillors and I not hear of it. I am of 
the Council also.' He asked Hancock before whom of the Council 
this matter was brought? Who replied, he knew not certain, but 
as he supposed. The Duke asked him, whom he supposed ? He 
answered, before the Lord Treasurer, because his son-in-law, Sir 
William Berkeley, sent her up. The Duke subjoined, ' It was 
like to be so.' This was three weeks before his last apprehension. 
.... Indeed it seemed to have been a plot of the Papists, and 
the Bishop of Winchester at the bottom of it." 



Note 48. 

" She was maid of honour to Queen Elizabeth, and in great 
favour with her royal mistress. She was buried in St. Benedict's 
chapel in Westminster Abbey with very great solemnity. Her 
corpse was brought from the Queen's armoury to the Abbey 
church, attended by all the choir of the said Abbey, and 200 of the 
court, and 60 mourners, etc. She had a great banner of arms 
borne : Mr. Clarencieux was the Herald attending j and Scambler, 
Bishop of Peterborough, added to the solemnity a funeral sermon. 
On the east of the above mentioned chapel is a small but neat 
monument of black marble and alabaster, with small Corinthian 
pillars, embellished with gold, and adorned with coats of arms, etc., 
and an inscription to her memory." Camden also mentions a 
Latin inscription in verse, which was once to be found in the 
Abbey. This monument was erected by her brother. 

" Ingenio praestans et vultu Jana decoro, 
Nobilis arte fuit vocis, et arte manus, 
Hanc Venus et Pallas certant utra debet habere, 
Vult Venus esse suam, Pallas esse suam ; 
Mors fera virginis figens in pectore telum, 
Neutrius (inquit) erit, sed mihi praeda jacet. 
Corpore Jana jacet tellerum terra subibit, 
Sed pius in coeli spiritus arce sedet." 

These have been translated by Dr. Haddon thus : — 

"For genius famed, for beauty loved, 

Jane bade the world admire ; 
Her voice harmonious notes improved, 

Her hand the tuneful lyre. 
Venus and Pallas claimed this maid, 

Each as her right alone, 
But death superior power displayed, 

And seized her as his own. 
Her virgin dust this mournful tomb, 

In kindred earth contains ; 
Her soul, which fate can ne'er consume, 

In endless glory reigns." 

(Printed in Life and Letters, Arabella Stuart. Cooper.) 
Note 49. 

Part of the Ode of Ronsard in praise of the three eldest 
daughters of the Duke of Somerset : 

"Mais si ce harpeur fameux 
Oyoit le chant des Sirennes 
Oui sonne aux bords escumeux 



Des Albionnes arenes ; 
Son Luth payen il fendrait 
Et disciple se rendrait, 
Dessons leur chanson chretienne 
Dont la voix passe la sienne. 

La science auparavant, 
Si longtemps orientale, 
Peu a peu marchant avant 
S'apparoist occidentale ; 
Et sans jamais se bonier 
N'a point cesse de tourner 
Sant quelle soit parvenue 
A l'autre rive inconnue. 
La de son grave sourly 

Les trois seules ae notre age. 
Et si bien les scent tenter 
Ou'ores on les oit chanter 
Maint vers jumeau, qui surmonte 
Les notres, rouges de honte." 

The following letter from Margaret and Jane to the King in 
1548, translated from the original Latin (Howard Letters, p. 276), 
may be of interest as a specimen of their style of writing. " It 
cannot be expressed, O ! king most serene, with what hope and 
joy that literary gift which we have received from your highness 
has overflowed our spirit, and what a sharp spur we find it to be, 
in order to embrace those things and to cleave with all labour and 
sedulousness to those studies wherein we know your highness to 
take so much delight, and to be so deeply learned ; wherein we 
also, whom your serene highness wishes to see best instructed, hope 
to make some advancement. And these present tokens of your 
singular goodwill, which no power of words can do justice to, show 
plainly how many thanks are due from us, more than many others 
to your Majesty ; should we attempt any act or expression of 
thanks, your deserts, always proceeding more and more in perpetual 
vicissitude, would not only seem to press upon us but would cer- 
tainly oppress us ; especially as we have nothing, nay, we ourselves 
are nothing, which we do not justly owe to your highness. 
Wherefore while forced to fly to your clemency, we yet doubt not 
that a prince of such heavenly kindness, who has loaded us with so 
many and so great benefits, will add also this one, that he will not 
think that those things are bestowed upon ungrateful persons 
which belong to a grateful spirit. Whereof these letters, which 
are wont to be substitutes for the absent, will be but a faint proof ; 

Vint affbler le courage 
De ces trois vierges icy 



while we pray for all happiness to your highness, with a long con- 
tinuance thereof. 

The most devoted servants to your Majesty, 

Margaret Seymour. 

Jane Seymour. 

(Wood's Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies.) 
Note 50. 

Elizabeth, Lady Cromwell, to Sir W. Cecil, a.d. 1552. 

.... Your great gentleness, many ways shewed towards rne, 
emboldeneth me to trouble you with these my letters, whereby it 
may please you to understand that, where it pleased the king's 
majesty and his most honourable Council to will me to take into 
tuition my four nieces, I thought it my duty, and the rather being 
moved by your friendly advice, declared unto me by your gentle 
letters, to satisfy the Council's honourable requests and not to 
refuse them ; although if I should have declared unto my said 
honourable lords at that time what charge and other cares I, being 
now a lone woman, am troubled with, I doubt not but it would 
have pleased them, of their honours, to have accepted in good part 
my reasonable cause to have refused them. Wherefore, considering 
with myself the weighty burden and care which nature bindeth 
me to be mindful of, as well for the bestowing of my own children, 
as also for such poor family as my late lord and husband hath left 
me unprovided for, enforceth me to require your help and advice 
that hereafter, about Christmas next, or shortly after then, by your 
good means, my said honourable lords of the Council may under- 
stand that, when my said nieces have accomplished a full year with 
me, then my trust is that they shall be otherwise provided for and 
bestowed than with me ; trusting that there be places enough 
where they may be, better than with me ; and, as I do perceive by 
them many ways, much more to their own contentations and 
pleasings. And even as I was bold to write unto the king's 
Highness's most honourable Council, that I, being a lone woman, 
not nigh any of my kinsfolk, whereby I the rather am destitute of 
friendly advice and counsel, how to use myself in the rule of such 
company as now I am careful of, so now I am likewise bold to declare 
the same unto you, being not at any time either instructed by you or 
any other of my said honourable lords, how to use my said nieces ; 
considering that I have, in some cases, thought good that my said 
nieces should not all wholly be their own guides, but rather willing 
them to follow mine advice, which they have not taken in such 
good part as my good meaning was, nor according to my expecta- 
tion in them. 

Trusting, herefore, so much in your worship, that you will so 
tender my aforesaid desire, as the same may so come to pass that 



my request herein may be satisfied in convenient time, and without 
any displeasure towards me for my good meaning. And thus I 
beseech the living God to send you continual health and much 
increase of honour. From Launde, the 25th Oct., 1552, yours 
always assured to her power. 

Elizabeth Cromwell. 

Note 51. 

The names of all her Majesty's ships, and others that served 
under the Lord Admiral and the Lord Henry Seymore on the seas 

against the Spanish forces. Collected the 13th of December, 

(Burghley State Papers, Murdin.) 

Tonnage. Ships. Men. Captains. 

800 The Arke Rawleghe 400 The Lord Admiral. 

600 The Elizabeth Bonaventure .. 250 The Earl or" Cumberland. 

500 The Raynbowe 250 The Lord Henry Seymore. 

500 The Golden Lyon 250 The Lord Thomas Howard. 

1000 The White Bear 500 The Lord Edmund Sheaffield. 

500 The Vanguard 250 Sir William Winter. 

500 The Revenge 250 Sir Francis Drake. 

900 The Elizabeth Jonas 500 Sir Robert Southwell. 

800 The Victory 400 Sir John Hawkins. 

400 The Antelope 160 Sir John Palmer. 

1 100 The Triumph 500 Sir John Furbusher. 

400 The Dreadnought 100 Sir Georpje Beeston. 

600 The Mary Roase 250 Edward Fenton, Esq. 

500 The Nontperely 250 Thomas Fenner, Gent. 

600 The Hope 250 Robert Crone, Gent. 

The Gaily Bonavolia 250 William Bourough, Esq. 

400 The Swiftshure 180 Edward Fenner, Gent. 

300 The Swallowe 160 Ric hard Hawkins, Gent. 

300 The Foresight 160 Christopher Baber, Gent. 

250 The Aid 120 William Fenner, Gent. 

200 The Bull 100 Jeremy Turner, Gent. 

200 The Tyger 100 John Bostocke, Gent. 

150 The Tremountain 70 Luke Warde, Gent. 

120 The Scowte 70 Henry Ashley, Esq. 

100 The Archates 60 Gregory Rigges, Gent. 

70 The Charles 40 John Roberts, Gent. 

60 The Moon 40 Alexander Clifford, Gent. 

50 The Advice 35 John Herris, Gent. 

50 The Spye 35 Ambrose Warde, Gent. 

50 The Marlyne 35 Walter Goare, Gent. 

40 The Sun 24 Richard Buckley. 

30 The Synnet 20 John Shirrife. 

The Brigandine 36 Thomas Scott. 

120 The George... 30 Richard Hodges. 



1 60 The 
150 The 
150 The 
60 The 
70 The 



150 The 

35 The 

40 The 

140 The 

125 The 

120 The 

60 The 

80 The 

50 The 

120 The 

110 The 

38 The 

150 The 

1 50 The 

100 The 

60 The 

Coasters with the Lord Henry Seymore. 

Ships. Men. Captains. 

Daniel 70 Robert Johnson. 

Gallion Hutchens 70 Thomas Tucker. 

Bark Lane 70 Leonard Harvell. 

Fancy 30 Richard Fearne. 

Griffin 40 John Thompson. 

Little Hare 30 Matthew Railston. 

Handmaid 40 John Gattenbury. 

Mary gold 70 Francis Johnson. 

Matthew 20 Richard Mitchel. 

Susan 20 John Musgrave. 

William of Ipswich 70 Barnaby Lowe. 

Katherine 60 Thomas Grymble. 

Primrose 60 John Cordwell. 

Anne Bonaventure 30 John Conny. 

William of Rye 40 William Coxon. 

Grace of God 20 William Fordred. 

Ellnatchen of Dover .... 70 John Lydgen. 

Robin 60 William Crippes. 

Hazard 20 Nicholas Tornor. 

Grace of Yarmouth 70 William Musgrave. 

Mav Flower 70 Alexander Musgrave. 

William of Bricklesey.... 50 Thomas Lambert. 

John Young 30 Reynold Veazey. 



Note 52. 

Sir Francis Drake to the Lord Henry Seymour. (Burghley State 
Papers, Murdin.) 

Right Honourable and my very good Lord, 

I am commanded by my good Lord, the Lord Admiral, to send 
you the carvel in haste with these letters, giving your Lordship to 
understand, that the army of Spain arrived upon our coast the 20th 
of the present, and the 21st we had them in chace ; and so coming 
up to them, there had passed some common shot between some of 
our fleet and some of them ; and as far as we can perceive, they are 
determined to sell their lives with blows. Whereupon his Lordship 
hath commanded me to write unto your Lordship and Sir William 
Winter, that those ships serving under your charge should be put 
into the best and strongest manner you can, and readv to assist his 
Lordship, for the better encountering of them in those parts where 
you now are. In the mean time, what his Lordship, and the rest 
following him may do, shall be surely performed. His Lordship 
hath commanded me to write hearty commendations to your 
Lordship and Sir William Winter. I do salute your Lordship, 
Sir William Winter, Sir Henry Palmer, and all the rest of those 



honourable gentlemen serving under you, with the like ; beseech- 
ing God of his mercy to give her Majesty, our gracious sovereign, 
always victory against her enemies. Written aboard her Majesty's 
good ship the Revenge, off of Start, this 21st, late in the evening 

Your Lordship's poor friend ready to be commanded, 

Francis Drake. 

P.S. — This letter my honourable good Lord is sent in haste. 
The fleet of Spaniards are somewhat above a hundred sails, many 
great ships. But truly, I think not half of them men of war. 

Your Lordship's assured, 

Francis Drake. 

Note 53. 

Seymour to Walsingham. Aug. 1. (Laughton papers relating 
to defeat of Spanish Armada.) 

Sir, I have written to Her Majesty at large of our proceedings 
upon my Lord's honourable letters directed unto me for the re-in- 
forcing my Lord Admiral's strength ; so was I likewise desired and 
written by my Lord Admiral himself to hasten my forces to join 
the same to his, which I did perform. And where his Lordship 
was altogether desirous at the first to have me strengthen him, so 
having done the uttermost of my good will (to the venture of my 
life) in prosecuting the distressing of the Spaniards, which was 
thoroughly followed the 29th July, I find my lord jealous and 
loth to have me take part of the honour of the rest that is to win, 
using his authority to command me to look to our English coasts, 
that have been long threatened by the Duke of Parma. 

So referring the rest unto Her Majesty's letters as (well as) to 
the messengers, the one Mr. Brown* and the other my Lieutenant, 
who both are witnesses of our actions, do take my leave. From 
aboard the Rainbow this 1st Aug. 1588, at anchor at Harwich at 3 
in the afternoon. 

Your assured friend to command, 

H. Seymour. 

There is a postscript to this letter too long for insertion here, but 
which contains the following passage : " I pray God my Lord 
Admiral do not find the lack of the Rainbow and that company ; 
for I protest before God, and have witness for the same, I vowed 

* Brute Brown who was serving as a volunteer on board the 



I would be as near or nearer with my little ship to encounter our 
enemies as any of the greatest ships in both armies, which I have 
performed to the distress of one of their greatest ships sunk, if ] 
have my due. We are in a manner famished for lack of victuals, 
although the same hath been drawn at length (/.<?., drawn out as 
long as possible) yet by increase of soldiers the same is all wasted. 

" I presume the Spaniards are much distressed for victuals, which 
I hope will be the cause to make them yield to Her Majesty's 

" I do send my Lieutenant the rather to give you perfect notice 
of our lacks, as also I pray you to use Mr. Brown with some 
favour, who of good will came to see the service two days before 
I joined with the Lord Admiral." 

Seymour to Walsingham. Aug. 12. (Laughton.) 

.... This morning my Lord Admiral* sent unto me, desiring 
very earnestly to speak with me and Sir William Winter ; and the 
message was no sooner delivered but there was descried almost 30 
sails afar off. I sent him word I had Her Majesty's present service 
in hand, whereby I could not attend him ; also I was directed by 
my Lordst to have a vigilant eye upon these coasts. But if my 
lord himself should come into the narrow seas, and that Sir Francis 
Drake should attend as Vice-Admiral, I pray you let me be called 
home, for by that I find by experience, by good observation, some 
seers of antiquity are not the same persons they are deemed. And 
even so do commit you to God. In haste, etc 

Seymour to Walsingham. Aug. 18. (Laughton.) 

.... Plain dealing is best among friends. I will not flatter 
you, but you have fought more with your pen than many have in 
our English navy fought with their enemies ; and but that your 
place and most necessary attendance about Her Majesty cannot be 
spared, your valour and deserts in such places opposite to the 
enemy had showed itself .... 

.... For myself, as I have not spared my body, which I thank 
God is able to go through thick and thin, let not the same be 
spared to knit up all (harass) between Her Majesty and her service, 
so far forth as God will give us leave ; I will not say as the Duke 
of Parma, by Sir John Conway's letter which I sent you — " I am 
bound to revenge, and I will do it, asking God no leave." I will 
not trouble you any further, but if you have cause to employ me 
further, let all my wants be supplied and refer the rest to God. . . . 

* Howard. 

t Of the Council. 



Sir, I should do the master of my ship wrong if I did not further 
his careful service, being a man of substance, most valiant, and 
most efficient besides concerning his charge. I would desire you 
to prefer him to Her Majesty's coat of ordinary, for I know ne'er a 
man in England that 1 would wish sooner to have care of the 
Prince's person, if they were driven to the seas, than him. 

Spare me not while I am abroad, for when God shall return me, 
I will be 'kin to the bear, I will be haled to the stake, before I come 
abroad again. 

* * * * ♦ 

Seymour to Walsingham. Aug. 19. (Laughton.) 

Sir, I shall be glad to do Her Majesty all the service I can which in 
duty I am bound, as otherwise for my country. I find my Lord 
Admiral doth repair to these quarters, as I gather, to this end, to 
seek the Spaniards ; whom when he shall find, I wish him no 
better advantage than he had upon our last conflict with them. 
But I hardly doubt the meeting of them this year, and for my own 

fart desire to be spared at home for divers respects, which hereafter 
may unfold. I know I am envied, being a man not suitable 
with them, and therefore my actions and services shall be in vain. 
Besides my summer ship, always ordained for the narrow seas, will 
never be able to go through with the northern, Irish, or Spanish 
seas, without great harm and spoil of our own people by sickness. 
I have hitherto {invha Minerva) maintained my honour and credit 
in all my services as best becometh me. I would be loth now to 
stand ad arhitrium judicis, and thereafter do pray you to respect 
your good, devoted friend, who hath many weighty irons of his 
own to look unto ; and so do commit you to God. From aboard 
the Rainbow, the 19th Aug., 1588. 

Your very loving assured friend, 

H. Seymour. 

Postscript. — I shall be enforced to send away my cousin Knyvet 
and his company tomorrow to London, because of their short 
victuals and other lacks, which must be supplied if the service be 
any more commanded. 

Seymour to Walsyngham. Aug. 23. (Laughton.) 

. . . . As I have written unto you lately, my Lord Admiral 
now returned, I am subject to his orders and directions as long as he 
is in place ; and as I perceive, his intention is to divide his com- 
pany into two parts, whereof he wishes me to take the road of 
Margate or Gorend, and himself the Downs or Dover ; which if 

2 D 



it be so, I desire to be called home, for I never loved to be penned 
or moored in roads. But so long as there is an expectation of the 
Spaniards to return I would not have the thought once to return 
before some better services be accomplished j which I hardly 
doubt will fall out to such advantage as we had at our last 

I find my lord and his company divided in manner to factions, 
which I would wish otherwise ; neither doth it appertain unto me 
to meddle much therein, or otherwise to advertise, so long as his 
lordship is accountable for all. 

I received direction from Sir Francis Drake and Sir John 
Hawkins for the discharge of some of our navy, by order, as it 
would seem, of better authority ; which were discharged to the 
number of some needless vessels, and yet had made stay of 
Mr. Thomas Knyvet's company, according to your last direction ; 
and withal by good hap, upon these last intelligences of the 
Spaniards, have made stay of the rest . . . etc. . . 

Note 54. 

Bishop Burnett says in his history : u There was a private bill 
put in about the Duke of Somerset's estate, which had been by 
Act of Parliament entailed on his son in the last reign. On the 
3rd of March it was sent to the House of Commons, signed by 
the King ; it was for the repeal of that Act. Whether the King 
was so alienated from his uncle, that this extraordinary thing was 
done bv him for the utter ruin of this family, or not, I cannot 
determine ; but I rather incline to think that it was done in 
hatred to the Duchess of Somerset and her issue. For the estate 
was entailed on them by Act of Parliament, in prejudice of 
the issue of the former marriage, of whom are descended the 
Seimours of Devonshire : who were disinherited and excluded from 
the Duke of Somerset's honours by his patents, and from his estate 
by Act of Parliament ; partly upon some jealousies he had of his 
former wife, but chiefly by the power his second wife had over 

Although this new Act deprived Sir Edward, the younger, of 
much of the property that would otherwise have come to him, it 
became of great benefit to Sir Edward, the elder, and his brother 
Tohn, for a Commission was appointed, with Lord Winchester at 
its head, to apportion to each such lands as had belonged to their 
respective mothers and award due compensation for such as had 
been sold by the Protector, thus the elder branch of the family 
received some estates that according to the Act of 1540 would 
have gone to the younger. Sir Edward Seymour, the younger, 
received the following manors and estates by the award of the 
Master of Wards and Liveries. Manors — Collingborn Dormer, 



Collingborn Sutton, Collingborn Kingston, Pewsey, Scalborne, 
Escorte, Marleborow (Marlborough) cum Burton, Eston Bradstock, 
West Grafton, East Grafton, Westcombe, Bedwyn. Estates — 
Savernake Forest, Burbage Darell, Shalborne, Westcote alias 
Dormer, Eston Warren, The Hundred of Sylkeley, Knoll, 
Bedwyn, site of Amesbury Priory, Borough of Amesbury, Little- 
cote pasture. 

Note 55. 

The fine of ^15,000 was settled in the following manner : — 
10,000 was almost immediately remitted by the Oueen in con- 
sideration of ^1,187 ready money. Of the remaining ^3,813, 
the sum of £1,000 more was remitted through the good offices of 
Sir Thomas Smith, Secretary of State. A distraint was then laid 
upon the Earl's lands for the remainder, viz. ,£2,813, upon which 
he wrote the following statement to Sir F. Walsingham with the 
result that another £ 1 ,000 was remitted. Eventually the remainder 
was also remitted. A copy of the warrant of release is at Long- 

The Statement. 

" For Mr. Secretary Walsingham, who desired a note of the sum 
already paid in." (Written on the margin of the original.) "The 
sum set upon me in the Star Chamber was ^15,000, mv land 
never being distrained therefore, till a little before my coming in 
the Tower. At what time Her Majesty released ^10,000 of the 

1 5,000. After, when I was at the Tower, and made suit for the 
release of my poor tenants pityfully distrained for the remainder 
demanded, which was ^5,000, Her Majesty said she would have 
one thousand paid afore she would release any part of the said 
,£5,000. Whereupon was paid in ,£1,187. Shortly after, Her 
Majesty cut off ,£1,000 more. So as there remaineth to be paid 
^£2,813 which my trust is Her Majesty will either wholly cut off, 
or at the least, the greatest part ; if it may please Her Majesty to 
remember the whole sum was first set but for terror, as also mv 
humble return out of France upon the first call, my patient abiding 
Her Majesty's heavy displeasure in prison ten years lacking one 
month, my sundry great losses in the said space by my officers, and 
lastly, sithence Her Majesty's most happy favour restored, my dili- 
gent attendance and readiness these full six years, to do any service 
commanded which I shall be more able to perform when I may 
find some fruit of Her Majesty's favourable speeches and good 
opinion j Her Majesty's gracious dealing in this behalf being more 
worth unto me than ten times the value of the remainder. Other- 
wise contrary to my own disposition I shall be enforced to lea\ e 

2 D 2 


Her Majesty's comfortable presence by renewing my suit of travel, 
whereby in letting my land to most advantage, abating my mainten- 
ance, I may take order to pay my credit at home and at my return 
be able to serve Her Majesty where now for want, I cannot shew 
my affectionate mind if Her Majesty should anyways employ me." 
Endorsed " A remembrance of the Earl of Hertford for Mr. Secre- 
tary Walsingham." (Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., xv, vii. Appendix.) 

Note 56. 

It seems that Hales had offended before, though he was soon 
liberated, but that he continued to urge the cause of Hertford and 
was again committed to the Tower. In Ellis, second series, we 
find, " From a letter of Sir William Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith, 
April 27th, 1564, it seems probable that the Lady Catharine and 
Lord Hertford's imprisonments, in a measure, owed their prolonga- 
tion to the mistaken zeal of one John Hales, who had been Clerk 
of the Hanaper in the reign of Henry VIII. He says, here is 
fallen out a troublesome fond matter, John Hales has secretly made 
a book in the time of the last Parliament wherein he hath taken 
upon him to discuss no small matter, viz., the title to the crown 
after her Majesty. Having confuted and rejected the line of the 
Scottish Queen, and made the line of the Lady Frances mother to 
the Lady Catharine only next and lawful. He is committed to the 
Fleet for this boldness, specially because he hath communicated it 
to sundry persons. My lord John Grey is in trouble also for it. 
Besides this, John Hales hath procured sentences and counsels of 
lawyers from beyond seas to be written in maintenance of the Earl 
of Hertford's marriage. The dealing of his offendeth the Queen's 
Majesty very much. God give her Majesty by this chance a dis- 
position to consider hereof that either by her marriage or by some 
common order, we poor subjects may know where to lean and to 
adventure our lives with contentation of our consciences." 

In another, dated May 9th, 1564, Sir William Cecil says that he 
himself is not free from suspicion " because some of those com- 
mitted upon the occasion had access to him in their suits." 

" In this manner I am by commandment occupied, whereof I 
could be content to be delivered, but I will go upright, neither ad 
dextram nor ad sinistram" 

Note 57. 

Verses by the Earl of Hertford engraved on the ring given by 
him to Lady Catherine Grey (Life and Letters of Arabella Stuart, 
Cooper, 169) : — 



" As circles five by art compact show but one ring in sight, 
So trust united faithful minds with knot of secret might, 
Whose force to break but greedy death no wight possesseth power, 
As time and sequels well shall prove ; my ring can say no more." 

Note 58. 

The following letter of Lady Catherine's to her husband shows 
on what good terms they were. It is taken from a copy in the 
handwriting of the celebrated Duchess of Portland found among 
her papers at Longleat. A few sentences only, of a purely private 
nature, are withheld. The original letter is probably the one 
described as private and affectionate among the Duke of Northum- 
berland's papers, Vol. Ill ( Third Report of the Historical Com- 
missioners, p. 47) : — 

" No small joy, my dear lord, is it to me the comfortable under- 
standing of your maintained health. I crave of God to let you 
sustain, as I doubt not but He will, you neither I having anything 
in this most lamentable time so much to comfort by pitiful absence 
each other with as the hearing, the seeking, and countenance 
thereof in us both. Though of late I have not been well, yet now, 
I thank God, pretty well, and long to be merry with you as you 
do to be with me. I say no more but be you merry as I was 
heavy when you the third time came to the door and it was locked. 
Do you think I forget old fore-past matters ? No surely I cannot, 
but bear in memory far many more than you think for. I have 
good so to do when I call to mind what a husband I have of you 
and my great hard fate to miss the viewing of so good a one. 

. . . . Thus most humbly thanking you, my sweet lord, for 
your husbandly sending both to see how I do, and also for your 
money, I most lovingly bid you farewell, not forgetting my 
especial thanks to you for your book, which is no small jewel to 
me. I can very well read it, for as soon as I had it, I read it over 
even with my heart as well as with my eyes ; by which token I 
once again I bid you once again f^ale et semper salles, my good 

"Your most loving and faithful wife during life, 

"Katherine Hartford. 

" I pray my lord be not jealous of a thing I shall desire you to do 
which is, to tell your Poet I think great unkindness in him for that 
I understand he should have come to me, but when he was wished 
he groaned . . . Well yet though he would not come to me, 
I would have been glad to have seen him ; but belike he maketh 
none account of me as his mistress which I cannot but take 
unkindly at his hands." — (See Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., vol. xv.) 



Some account of the Bible used in the Tower by the Earl of 
Hertford and Lady Catherine Grey. This was found at Longleat 
(see Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., xv, 154) : — 

The little volume is described in the title page as La Sainte 
Bible, en Francais a Lyon par Sebastine Honore, 1558. At the 
top of the page is written the Seymour family motto, " Foy pour 
devoir," and at the foot, "E. Hertford," next to which is a signa- 
ture " W. Wingfield." The Earl had also written a Greek 
sentence, signifying " In human affairs nothing is certain." 

On the first fly-leaf at the end, in the Earl's handwriting, are 
the entries of the births of his two sons, born in the Tower : — 

" Mon plus aisne fils Edouard Beauchamp fust ne apres le midi 
du jour, Mercredi 24 du Septembre, 1561, un peu apres les deux 
heures, un quart d'heure ou demy heure." 

" Mon second Thomas Seymour fust ne Jeudy matin unzieme 
du Febury, 1563, environ quart d'heure apres les dix heures. Dieu 
leur donne sa grande benediction paternelle. Amen." 

Then follows a prayer in French in which allusion is made to 
the Queen's displeasure : — 

" Dieu tout puissant pere de toute consolation Que te mercie 
tres humblement et tres affectueusement de la grande misericorde 
et bonte infinie qu'il ta plu montrer en l'endroit de ma femme et 
moi en la delivrant hors des grands dangers d'enfantement et de 
maladie. Aussy en nous envoyant a tous deux les benedictions des 
ceuvres de tes mains : te priant Seigneur Dieu, la consoler et forti- 
fier en sante et patience : et aussy les petites creatures nos deux fils 
avec ta divine et chere protection et benediction. Par laquelle nous 
voyons bien que tu ne veut nous laisser Fame desesperer de ta 
grande misericorde et bonte infinie ; mais comme pere, nous 
voul . . . faire cognaistre ton affection paternelle. II te 
plaist encore nous chatier de tes verges pour mieux nous faire te 
recognaistre et ta puissance absolue. Ainsy nous savons bien que 
c'est en ta seule puissance de rendre ton ceuvre de grace . . . 
en la fin du tour accompli et parfait. Pour a quoi parvenir nous te 
prions tres-humblement que comme il t'a plus nous mettre en la 
mauvaise grace d'Elizabeth, notre Reine et maitresse, ainsi qu'il te 
plait luy mettre en l'esprit ta vertu de douceur et clemence, qui es 
accoutume de pardonner les fautes a tous ceux qui de bon coeur les 
reconnaissont. Veuille done regarder et pitier nous les dictes per- 
sonnes ayant eu de long maux et estant encore battu de plusieurs 
tes verges . . . Seigneur, autant ou plus rigoureuse que jamais 
comme de 1'afHiction d esprit de . . . et de plusieurs autres 
calamites. Console nous done que selon que tu cognois que nous 
en avons besoin, et en nous faizant profiter tes chatiments a notre 
correction. Confirme nous en bonne patience, moderez ta rigueur 
selon ta sainte ordonnance, faiz que nous puissions jouir luy 



Note 59. 

The following paper contains the substance of several letters and 
documents concerning the Earl of Hertford's private affairs. Lord 
Wentworth and others had disputed his claims, and he sent the 
following statement (here compressed for want of space) to the 
Lord Treasurer in 1573 (see Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., xv, 
p. 152) 

The Duke of Somerset, then Earl of Hertford, had 
lands of inheritance, in the year 1540, of the yearly 
value of £2,400 

The lands he acquired by purchase, grants, and increase 
of living from 1540 to Jan. 28, 1547 (the date of 
Henry VI IPs death) were of the yearly value of ... £2,000 

His purchases and increase of lands from that date to 
the time of his own death in Jan. 1552, were of the 
yearly value of £3> 000 

xMaking a total of £7,400 

The Earl claims that the whole of the above should have 
descended to him, and states that, when he was 14 years old and a 
ward of the King, all the lands that his father had acquired between 
1537 and 1552, amounting to a yearly value of £5,000, were 
taken from him, thus leaving him only such lands as his father had 
possessed prior to 1537. He also states that it was arranged, by 
Lord Winchester's award, that he should be recompensed for 
certain lands sold by his father after 1547, but that he has received 
no such recompense, which was to have been made within a year, 
failing which it had been settled that he should receive lands of the 
value of the recompense awarded him, out of the confiscated pro- 
perty. At the time of the award Sir John Thynne and others of 
the chief officers of the Protector were in the Tower, and Lord 
Winchester had been unable to get full information as to the Pro- 
tector's property. Acting on what information he could procure, 
however, he had awarded £753 14*. 3<7. a year as recompense, but 
later on, finding that £81 a year more ought to have been awarded, 
he assigned the following manors to the Earl to make up that 
amount, viz. : North Perrott, Chillington, and Southarpe, in 

The Earl further states that he himself had remained contented 
with the arrangement hitherto, but on examining his rights when 
disputed by Lord Wentworth and others, he had discovered that he 
ought to have received still larger recompense, and that he ought 
not to have been paying certain rents, amounting to £400, which 
he had hitherto paid. He further states that his object is not to 
make fresh claims for what should have belonged to him, but only 



to prevent further disturbance, and have his title confirmed to the 
lands he already held. 

He adds " That this statement was delivered by my Lord 
Treasurer, by Mr. Attorney and Mr. Sollicitor, under their hands, 
Termino Hillarii. Feb. 1573." 

In a note at the foot of one of the papers is written in the Earl's 
handwriting, " Note. — This that I seek is but a feather of myne 

own goose : whereas if I were ambitiously disposed, or to 

into the world as diverse would have done, I should have claimed 
restitution of the whole once meant me by Queen Mary, contrary 
to me in religion." 

Note 60. 

The following letter from Queen Elizabeth to " Good Francke," 
as she called Lady Hertford, may not be without some interest. It 
was written Nov. 5, 1595, and is in the State Papers, Domestic, 
Elizabeth : — 

" Understanding your disposition to be troubled with sudden 
impressions, even in matters of little moment, we do not forget 
you in your Lord's misfortune, and therefore have thought it not 
amiss, even by our own handwriting (your ladyship's brother being 
absent whom otherwise we would have used), to assure you of the 
continuance of our former grace, and to preserve your spirit from 
those perturbations, which love to the person offending, and appre- 
hension of the matter so far unexpected, might daily have bred in 
you. It is not convenient to acquaint you with all the particular 
circumstances of his offence, neither would it avail you, who have 
been ignorant of all the causes ; but (to prevent any misapprehen- 
sion that this crime is in its nature more pernicious and malicious 
than an act of lewd and proud contempt against our own prohibi- 
tion), we have vouchsafed to cause a ticket to be shown you by the 
bearer, which may resolve you from further doubting what it is not, 
and satisfy your mind for caring for that which care now remedies 
not, being a matter both proved by record, and confessed by 

" It is far from our desire to pick out faults in such as he ; being 
slow to rigour towards the meanest, we will use no more severity 
than is requisite for other's caution in like cases, and than shall 
stand with honour and necessity. Your ladyship will quickly 
judge when you understand it, that his offence can have no colour 
of imputation on you, and you will not be one jot the less esteemed 
for any fault of his. You are therefore to trust to this assurance, 
as the voice of that Prince to whose pure and constant mind you 
are no stranger, and comfort yourself that you have served one who 
still wishes your good, and cares for the contrary. 

" For a farewell, you are to observe this rule, that seeing griefs and 


troubles make haste enough, unsent for, to surprise us, there can be 
no folly greater than by fearing that which is not, or by over- 
grieving for that which needs not, to overthrow the health of mind 
and body, which once being lost, the rest of our life is labour and 
sorrow, a work to God unacceptable, and discomfortable to all our 

It seems highly probable that Hertford in the end had to 
purchase his liberty, for we find in the State Papers, Domestic, 
Elizabeth, on April 22, 1600, a warrant for the instalment of a 
debt of ^2,500, remainder of ^50,000 due to Her Majesty by the 
Earl of Hertford ; £500 to be paid in six days after the date of the 
warrant, and £500 each Michaelmas and Easter following till the 
whole be paid. 

Note 61. 

The Earl of Hertford's command of ready money must have 
been very great for those times, for, in addition to what he spent 
on his embassy, he soon after undertook to discharge the King's 
debt of ^15,180 due to diverse merchants. In return he was 
granted some lands of the late Duke of Suffolk's, in lieu of which, 
March 15, 1609, a warrant was issued to pay him an allowance. 
(State Papers, Domestic, James I.) 

Note 61 a. 

This, it would appear, is somewhat of an exaggeration. The 
following is Hertford's letter to Salisbury on receiving the letter 
brought by Francis Seymour : — 

" My lord, this last night, at eleventh of the clock, ready to go 
to bed, I received this letter from my nephew, Francis Seymour, 
which I send your lordship here-inclosed ; a letter no less trouble- 
some to me than strange to think I should in those my last days be 
grandfather of a child that, instead of patience and tarrying the 
Lord's leisure (lessons that I learned and prayed for when I was in 
the same place whereout lewdly he is now escaped), would not 
tarry for the good hour of favour to come from a gracious and 
merciful King, as I did, and enjoved in the end (though long first) 
from a most worthy and noble Oueen, but hath plunged himself 
further into His Highness's just displeasure. To whose Majesty I 
do, by these lines, earnestly pray vour lordship to signify most 
humbly from me how distasteful this his foolish and boyish action 
is unto me, and that, as at first upon his examination before your 
lordships, and his Majesty afterwards, nothing was more offensive 
unto me, misliking altogether the unfitness and inequality of the 
match, and the handling of it afterwards worse, so do I condemn 
this as worst of all in them both. Thus, my Lord, with an 


unquiet mind to think (as before) I should be grandfather to any 
child that hath so much forgotten his duty as he hath now done, 
and having slept never a wink this night (a bad medicine for one 
that is not fully recovered of a second great cold I took), I leave 
your Lordship with my loving commendations to the heavenly 
protection. From Letley, this Thursday morning, at four of the 
clock, the 6th of June, 1611. Your Lordship's most assured 
loving friend, Hertford. 

u Postsc. — As I was reading my said nephew's letter my sise (?) 
took (as your Lordship may perceive) into the bottom of the letter ; 
but the word missing that is burnt is Tower to acquaint." (Harl. 
MS., 7003.) 

Note 62. 

In Salisbury Cathedral, after the inscription on the tomb 
" Sacred to the memory of Edward, Earl of Hertford," etc., may 
be read the following lines (Life and Letters of Arabella Stuart, 
Cooper) : — 

Also to his dear and beloved wife, 

daughter of Henry and Frances Grey, Duke and 
Duchess of Suffolk, and heiress of 
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and Mary, 
sister of Henry VIII, and Queen of the French : 
by the will of her great uncle and 
Henry VII, her great grandfather. 
A matchless pair, 
who, after experiencing in many ways the 
hazards of a wavering fortune, 
at length repose here together in the same union 
in which they lived. 

a rare model of virtue, piety, beauty, and fidelity, 
the best and most illustrious, not for her own 
age, but for all time, 
peacefully and piously breathed her last, 
on the 22nd of January. 

(It will be noticed that the date is wrongly given ; it should be 
the 27th.) 

Note 63. 

A letter from Frances Howard, the EarPs second wife, to him, 
describing a fall the Queen had from her horse. Printed in Wilts 
Archseolog. Mag., p?1[58 : — 

" Sweet Lorde, I thanke God moste humbly for your good helth 


4 I I 

and well doinge, and I most hartely desire Him to continue and 
increase the same, and I thanke you for so soon sending to me for 
I was a little melancholy for fere that you had not your helth, and 
I was sending my man Lennerd to you but you prevented me by 
your footman who met me as I was comynge home waytynge on 
the (_)uene abrode j but a lyttell before we were all grettly afraid 
for that her Majesties horse in stombling, fell withall, and she 
withall felle, but as she says, she lepped up frome hym, but her 
footman stode her in grate sted but thanks be to God she had no 
kynde of harme and presently after she wallked a fote halfe a myell. 
You may think what a fereful sight it was : her Majestie wolde 
have ridden on that horse agayne, but he would not suffer her to 
come on hys backe. She is very well, thankes be to God, and is 
determined to goe a prograce into Sussex, but when she will begin 
it is not known. There is no more speache of her goynge to 
Wansted and therefore you nede not stay the longer from hence 
but what she will goe she sayth it shall be to Nonsuche, and there 
you shall have a loggynge for so my Lord Lomley hymself told me 
and assured me for he is now att the Courte and there is no tyme 
appoynted when she will remove but you shall be sure of a loggynge 
at Nonsuche. 

" Your most faithfull, lovying, and obediente wife during lyfe, 

"Frances H 

This letter was received June 11, 1582. 

Note 64. 

Lodge says, "She was born about the year 1578, and became, at 
an early age, under the influence of one of those extravagant 
predilections so frequent in youth, the wife of a person certainly of 
unsuitable rank. In this marriage originated much of the ridicule 
which has always been levelled at her character, and, as ridicule 
always deals in exaggeration, the condition of her first husband has 
been sunk by wilful misrepresentation to utter baseness. When- 
ever her name is mentioned his is sure to be coupled with it, and 
the description usually bestowed on him is 'one Prannel, a vintner's 
son,' for some have gone further, and asserted that his father was a 
mere ale-house keeper ; but the truth is that his father, Henry 
Prannel, was an Alderman of London, and in a time too when 
none but the most respectable of the commercial order were elected 
to that degree. He had probably obtained his freedom of the 
city in the V intners' Company, and hence this silly slander." 

Note 65. 

Lodge says : "Even in her dying moments she insisted on the 
observance of all the stately ceremonies to which she had accus- 



tomed herself, and was actually surrounded by the officers of her 
household, bearing white wands, and other ensigns of their 
respective stations, while a public record informs us that she 
condescended to accept from James, in partnership with another 
person, an exclusive patent for coining farthings." 

Note 66. 

A plot was formed amongst some of the Papists for obtaining 
possession of the Lady Arabella and taking her out of the country, 
after which they might marry her as best suited their designs. 
The following conversation between two Catholic agents was con- 
fessed by a Jesuit named James Yong. It is printed in Strype's 
Annals, iv, p. 102 : — 

" When Roulston departed back again, he came to Stanley, who 
said, ' Thou art welcome, I hope. Thou shalt be employed in as 
good service for the Lady of which we have often talked.' At 
which time he said no more. Yet, being demanded after by one 
Dr. Stillington what the Lady was, * Oh ! ' saith he, 'if we had 
her, the most of our fears were past, for any one that could hinder 
us in England. It is Arbella who keepeth with the Earl of 
Shrewsbury, whom most certainly they will proclaim Queen, if 
their mistress should now happen to die. And the rather they will 
do it, for that in a woman's government they may still rule after 
their own designments. But here is Symple and Rowlston, who, 
like cunning fellows, have promised to convey her by stealth out of 
England into Flanders, which, if it be done, I promise unto you 
she shall shortly after visit Spain.' " 

This confession was confirmed soon after by Thomas Chris- 
topher, and another priest added the information that Sir William 
Stanley was to have a pension of three hundred crowns a month 
from the King of Spain if he succeeded in obtaining possession of 
Lady Arabella. (Strype.) 

The idea, at this time, was to prevent her becoming a rival to 
Mary, Queen of Scots, in the succession to the English throne, 
but after that Queen's death she would be equally useful as a rival 
to James, should he not conform to the wishes of the Catholics. 
They therefore never ceased to endeavour to obtain possession of 
her until James was securely seated on the throne. 

Note 67. 

On the 17th of November Sir Walter Raleigh was, with 
others, accused of plotting to set Arabella on the throne. Count 
Aremberg was apparently to receive 600,000 crowns for bringing 
about the treason. Lord Cobham was to enlist the sympathies of 



Archduke Albert, and, if he failed in that, to go on to the Spanish 
King and seek his assistance in planning an invasion of England. 
Arabella herself was to be persuaded to write three letters, one 
to the Archduke, another to the King of Spain, and a third to 
the Duke of Saxony, in which she was to promise three things 
in return for their assistance, viz., to establish a firm peace between 
England and Spain ; to tolerate the Popish and Romish religion ; 
to be ruled by her helpers and abettors in contracting her 

Although Arabella's name was mentioned at the trial, she was not 
suspected of having taken any share in it, and was shown to have 
refused to write the required letters. She attended the trial, how- 
ever, but as a mere spectator and, when her name was mentioned, 
Cecil rose and said : — " Here hath been a touch of the Lady 
Arabella Stuart, the King's near kinswoman. Let us not scandal 
the innocent by confusion of speech. She is as innocent of all 
these things as I or any man here. Only she received a letter from 
my Lord Cobham, to prepare her, which she laughed at, and 
immediately sent it to the King." Lord Nottingham then rose 
and said : — " The Lady doth here protest, upon her salvation, that 
she never dealt in any of these things, and so she willed me to tell 
the court." 

The Attorney-General also declared Lady Arabella's complete 
innocence in the matter. 

(Lodge. Life and Letters of Arabella Stuart, by E. Cooper.) 

Note 68. 

Lady Arabella Stuart to the Countess of Shrewsbury, Sept. 16, 
1603. Sloan MS. 4164, fol. 178 :— 

"Madame, — If you receive the letters I write, I am sure you 
see I fail not to write often how the world goeth here, both in 
particular with me and otherwise as my Intelligence stretcheth. 
Wherefore I rather interpret your postscript to be a caveat to me 
to write no more than how I do and my desire to understand of 
your health, that is, no more than is necessary than a new Com- 
mandment to do that which I already do. But lest, in pleasing 
you, I offend my uncle, I have adventured to write to him one 
superfluous letter more, and that 1 may include no serious matter 
in his, I send you all I have of that kind, which is that the King 
hath under his hand granted me the aforesaid mess of meat and 
£Soo a year, and my lord Cecil will despatch it, I trust with all 
speed, for so his lordship promiseth. Your long expected 
messenger, by whom I should have understood your mind, is not 
yet come, and the Queen is going hence tomorrow ; but the 
change of place will not cease my expectation till 1 understand 
from you, you have changed your mind in that matter, which if 



you do, I shall hope it is with a mind to come up shortly and let 
me know it yourself, according to a bruit we have here, which I 
would fain believe. You shall not fail to receive weekly letters, 
God willing, or some very great occasion hinder me. 

"Mr. Elphinstone, who, you may see, is with me late as well as 
early, remembers his service to you. And so I humbly take my 
leave, praying the Almighty to send you all honour, happiness, 
contentment, etc. 

" Your Ladyship's niece to command, 

"Arabella Stuart." 

Note 68a. 

At the creation of Henry Prince of Wales, a court masque was 
given by the Queen, at which Lady Arabella represented a nymph 
of the Trent. According to the description in Nichols's " King 
James," she wore the following extraordinary costume : " Her 
head tire was composed of shells and coral, and from a great murex 
shell in the form of a crest of an helm, hung a thin waving veil. 
The upper garments had the boddies of sky coloured taffataes, for 
lightness, all embroidered with maritime invention. Then she had 
a kind of half skirt of cloth of silver embroidered with gold, all of 
the ground work cut out for lightness, which hung down full, and 
cut in points. Underneath that came a base (of the same as was 
her body), beneath her knee. Her long skirt was wrought with 
lace, waved round about like a river, and on the banks sedge and 
seaweeds, all of gold. Her shoulders were all embroidered with 
the work of the short skirt of cloth of silver, and had cypress 
spangled, ruffed out, and fell in a ruff above the elbow. The 
under sleeves were all embroidered as the bodies. Her shoes were 
of satin, richly embroidered with the work of the short skirt." 

Note 69. 

On Dec. 8, 1604, there is the following entry in the Docquet 
book : — 

" A Penson of ioco li. paid for the La. Arbella for terme of her 
life without restraint from alienacon." (State Papers.) 

A copy of that which the King's Majesty is to be moved to sign 
touching oats. July, 1608. (Lodge.) 

" Our will and pleasure is, that there be given and granted unto 
our trusty and well-beloved cousin, the Lady Arbella Stuart, and 
unto her deputies or deputy, for and during the whole term of one 
and twenty years next after the date of our letters patent, sufficient 
power and authority, under our great seal of England, for us, and 
in our name and right, and to our use in all places, within our 



realm of England and Wales, to take yearly a bond or recognizance 
of five pounds of every inn-holder or hostler, wherein the said 
inn-holder or hostler shall be bound not to take any more than six- 
pence gain, over and above the common price in the market, for 
and in every bushel of oats which he or they shall sell in gross or 
by retail, unto any passengers or travellers. The said bushel also, 
or any other measure, to be according to the ancient measure or 
standard of England, commonly called Winchester measure. 

And we will also, that our said well-beloved cousin, the Lady 
Arbella, or her deputy or deputies, shall take for every such bond 
or recognizance of every inn-holder or hostler the sum of 2/6, 
whereof one full fifth part, our will is that she or her deputy or 
deputies shall retain to her or their own use, in consideration of 
pains and charges. And our further pleasure is, that our said 
cousin shall have full power and authority to depute any person or 
persons, during the said term, for the execution of the foresaid 
power, so given and granted unto her. 

To our trusty and well beloved Sergeant at the Law, 
our Attorney General, and to any of them. 

Two gentlemen made application for the grant at the said time, 
but as no record remains of its being obtained, the probability is 
that all three petitioners failed in their suit. 

(Life and Letters of Lady Arabella Stuart, by E. Cooper.) 

Note 70. 

In the Docquet book for 1609, November 2, we find a letter 
from Sir Thomas Lake to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, requiring 
him " to cause a graunt under the great Seale of that Realme to 
be made to the Lady Arabella Stewart, her Deputies and Assignees, 
whereby they for 21 yeares shall have privelege to nominate such 
persons as shall sell wynes of any sorte, aqua vitae, or usquebagh 
within that kingdom. Accordinge to a Mvnute entered at Large 
in the private Signet booke, dated the 2nd. of November." 

The Lady Arabella duly received this grant, but before long, 
either at the end of December or the beginning of January, she 
applied to have her debts paid in exchange for her renouncing this 
monopoly, as may be seen by the following letter : — 

Lady Arabella Stuart to the Earl of Salisbury. (State Papers, 
James, Dom., L., fol. 69, MS.) 

u Where your Lordship willed Jme to set down a note of those 
3 things wherein I lately moved you. They are these : — The 
nrst, that I am willing to return back his Majesty's gracious grant 



to me of the wines in Ireland, so as your Lordship will take order 
for the paying of my debts when I shall upon my honour inform 
you truly what they are. The next, that his Majesty will be 
graciously pleased to augment my allowance in such sort as I may 
be able to live in such honour and countenance hereafter as may 
stand with his Majesty's honour and my own comfort. And lastly, 
that where his Majesty doth now allow me a diet, that he will be 
pleased, stead thereof, to let me have one thousand pounds yearly. 
Some other things I will presume to entreat your Lordship's like 
favour in that may stand me in stead ; but for that they are such 
as I trust your Lordship will think his Majesty will easily grant, I 
will now forbear to set them down. 

" Your Lordship's poor friend, 

"Arbella Stuart." 

This proposition of the Lady Arabella's was probably agreed to 
by the King for we find, from an entry among the Sloane papers, 
that, in January, 1610, James gave her a cupboard of plate of over 
^200 in value, a thousand marks to pay her debts, and a pension of 
£1,600 a year, which was probably in exchange for the Irish 
monopoly and for the dishes of meat with which she had till then 
been supplied. 

Note 70A. 

William Seymour to the Lords of the Council. (Harl. M.S. 
7003, fol. 59.) 

" May it please your good Lordships: — Since it is your 
pleasure (which to me shall always stand for a law) that I should 
truly relate under my hand those passages which have been between 
the noble Lady Arbella and myself, I do here in these rugged lines 
truly present the cause to your Lordship's favourable censure, that 
thereby his most excellent Majesty may by your Lordships be fully 
satisfied of my duty and faithful allegiance, which shall ever be a 
spur to me to expose my life and all my fortunes to the extremest 
dangers for his Highness's service, that I will never attempt any- 
thing which I shall have certain foreknowledge will be displeasing 
unto him. I do therefore humbly confess that when I conceived 
that noble Lady might with his Majesty's good favour and without 
offence make her choice of any subject within this Kingdom, which 
conceit was begotten in me upon a general report after her Lady- 
ship's last being called before your Lordships, that it might be ; 
myself being but a younger brother, and sensible of mine own 
good, unknown to the world, of mean estate, not born to challenge 
anything by my birthright, and therefore my fortunes to be raised by 
mine own endeavour, and she a Lady of great honour and virtue, and 
as I thought of great means, I did plainly and honestly endeavour 



lawfully to gain her in marriage, which is God's ordinance com- 
mon to all, assuring myself if I could effect the same with his 
Majesty's most gracious favour and liking (without which I 
resolved never to proceed) that thence would grow the first be- 
ginning of all my happiness ; and therefore I boldly intruded 
myself into her Ladyship's chamber in the Court on Candlemas 
day last (February 2), at what time I imparted my desire unto her ; 
which was entertained, but with this caution on either part, that 
both of us resolved not to proceed to any final conclusion without 
his Majesty's most gracious favour and liking first obtained ; and 
this was our first meeting. After that we had a second meeting 
at Mr, Baggs his house in Fleet Street ; and then a third at 
Mr. Boynton s, at both which we had the like conference and 
resolution as before ; and the next day save one after the last meet- 
ing, I was convented before your Lordships, when I did then 
deliver as much as now I have written : both then and now pro- 
testing, before God, upon my duty and allegiance to his most 
excellent Majesty, and as I desire to be retained in your Lord- 
ships' good opinions, there is neither promise of marriage, con- 
tract, or any other engagement whatsoever between her Ladyship 
and myself, nor ever was any marriage by me or her intended, 
unless his Majesty's gracious favour and approbation might have 
been first gained therein ; which we resolved to obtain before we 
would proceed to any final conclusion. Whereof I humbly 
beseech your Lordships to inform his Majesty, that by your good 
means, joined to the clearness of an unspotted conscience and a 
loyal heart to his Highness, I may be acquitted in his just judg- 
ment from all opinion of any disposition in me to attempt any- 
thing distasteful or displeasing to his Majesty, as one well know- 
ing that the just disfavour of my sovereign will be my confusion : 
whereas his gracious favour and goodness towards me, may be the 
advancement of my poor fortunes. And thus my Lords, according 
to your commands, I have made a true relation of what was re- 
quired, humbly referring the favourable construction thereof to 
your Lordships, having, for the farther hastening of the truth, 
and ever to bind me thereunto hereafter, subscribed my name the 
20th of February, 1609. 

"William Seymour." 

Note 71. 

Message from William Seymour to Lady Arabella. (Printed in 
Wilts Archasolog. Mag., p. 159.) 

From the original rough draft : — " lam come from Mr. William 
Seymour with a message to your ladyship which was delivered unto 
inc in ye presence of this gentleman, your servant, and therefore 

2 E 



vour ladyship may be assured I will neither add nor diminish, but 
will truly relate unto you what he hath directed me to do, which 
is this : he hath seriously considered of the proceedings between 
your ladyship and himself, and doth well perceive, if he should go 
on therein, it would not only prove prejudicial to your content- 
ment, but extremely dangerous to him, first in regard of the ine- 
quality of degrees between your ladyship and him, next, the King's 
Majestie's pleasure and commandment to the contrary, which 
neither your ladyship nor himself did ever intend to neglect : he 
doth therefore humbly desire your ladyship since the proceeding 
that is past doth not tie him or your ladyship to any necessity, but 
that you may freely commit each other to your best fortunes, that 
you would be pleased to desist from your intended resolution con- 
cerning him, who likewise resolveth not to trouble you any more 
in this kind, not doubting but your ladyship may have one more 
fitter for your degree (he having already presumed too high) and 
himself a meaner match with more security." 

Note 72. 

Memorandum of Lady Arabella's clandestine marriage on the 
fly-leaf of Mr. Hugh Crompton's account book, found at Longleat. 
(Printed in Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., p. 161.) 

"The 22nd of June, 1610, about 4 in the morninge my lady 
was married at Greenwiche to Mr. William Seymour. 

" Witnesses to the marriage, Mrs. Byron, Mrs. Bradshawe, 
Mr. Rodney, Mr. Kyrton, Mr. Blange, the minister, Mr. Reeves, 
and myself (i.e., Mr. Hugh Crompton)," &c. 

William Seymour's confession, signed by his own hand. (Bodleian 
Lib., Tanner MSS., 75, fol. 353.) 

The examination of William Semar, Esq., before ye lordships of 
His Majesty's Privye Councell the 8th of July, 1610. 

He confesseth that upon Fryday was fortnight he was marryed 
unto the Lady Arbella at Greenwich in the chamber of the sayd 
lady Arbella ther. That there was present one Blagew sonne of 
the Dean of Rochester who was the minister that marryed them, 
there were also present one Edward Rodne, Crompton — gent : 
usher to the lady Arbella, Edward Kyrton, and Edward Reve, 
Mrs. Biron and Mrs. Bradshawe, two servants to the Lady Arbella. 
The marryadge was on the Fryday morninge before sayd, between 
fouer and fyve of the clock, but without any Lycense as he con- 

He saith he came to Greenwich on the Thursday at night abowt 



twelffe of the clock, accompanied with the said Rodne and Kyrton 
and did sit upp in the Lady Arbella her chamber all the night 
untill they were marryed. 

William Seymaure. 

Note 73. 

The following letter from Arabella to the King, which is in the 
Harleian Collection, was written on her first being imprisoned : — 

"May it please your most excellent Majestie, I doe most hardly 
lament my hard fortune, that I should offend your Majestic, 
especiallie in that whereby I have long desired to merit of your 
Jviajestie, as appeared before your Majestie was my Soveraigne ; and 
though your Majestie's neglect of me, my liking of this gentleman 
that is my husband and my fortune, drewe me to a contracte before 
I acquainted your Majestie, I humbly beseech your Majestie to 
consider how impossible itt was for me to imagine itt could be 
offensive unto your Majestie having fewe days before geven me 
your royall consent, to bestowe myselfe on anie subject of your 
Majestie's, which likewise your Majestie had done long since. 
Besides never havinge ben either prohibited any, or spoken to for 
any, in this land by your Majestie these 7 years that I have lived 
in your Majestie's house, I could not conceave that your Majestie 
regarded my marriage at all ; whereas if your Majestie had vouch- 
safed to tell me your mind and accept the free-will offering of mv 
obedience, I would not have offended your Majestie, of whose 
gracious goodness I presume so much that, if it weare as con- 
venient in a worldly respect as mallice may make itt seame, to 
separate us whom God hath joyned, your Majestie would not 
doe evill that good might come thereof; nor make me, that 
have the honor to be so neare your Majestie in blood, the first 
precedent that ever was, though our Princes maye have left some 
as little imitable for so good and gracious a Kinge as your 
Majestie as David's dealinge with Uriah. But I assure myself if 
itt please your Majestie in your own wisdome to consider throughlie 
of my cause, there will noe solide reason appeare to debarre me of 
justice, and your princlie favour, which I will endeavour to deserve 
whilst I breathe, and, never ceasinge to prave for your Majestie's 
felicitie in all thinges, remain, your Majestie s," etc., etc. 

Both Prince Henry and the Oueen appear to have interceded on 
several occasions in favour of the Lady Arabella, but without effect. 
The following letters from Arabella to the Oueen may not be 
without interest : — 

2 1: 2 



Lady Arabella Seymour to Oueen Anne of Denmark. 
(Lansdowne MS., 1236.) 

f< May it please your most excellent Majesty, since I am de- 
barred the happiness of attending your Majesty or so much as to 
kiss your Royal hands, to pardon my presumption in presenting 
your Majesty in this rude form my most humble thanks for your 
Majesty's most gracious favour and mediation to his Majesty for 
me. Which your Majesty's goodness (my greatest comfort and 
hope in this affliction) 1 most humbly beseech your Majesty to 
continue. So praying to the Almighty to reward your Majesty 
with all honour and felicity both in your Royal self and yours, in 
all humility I cease. From Lambeth, the 22nd of July, 1610. 
" Your Majesty's most humble and dutiful 

subject and servant, 
"Arbella Seymour." 

Lad)- Arabella Seymour to the Queen. (Harl. MS., 7003.) 

"May it please your most excellent Majesty to consider how 
long I have lived a spectacle of his Majesty's displeasure, to my 
unspeakable grief, and out of that gracious disposition which 
moveth your Royal mind to compassion of the distress, may it 
please your Majesty to move his Majesty in my behalf. I have 
presumed to present your Majesty herewith the copy of my humble 
petition to his Majesty against this time, when the rather I am 
sure his Majesty forgiveth greater offences as freely as he desires to 
be forgiven by him whose sacrament he is to receive. Though 
your Majesty's intercession at any time I know were sufficient. 
Thus hath my long experience of your Majesty's gracious favour 
to me and all good causes encouraged me to presume to address 
myself unto your Maiesty, and encreased the obligation of my 
duty in praying continually unto the Almighty for your Majesty's 
felicity in all things. And in all humility I remain, etc. 

Lady Arabella Seymour to the Oueen. 

"May it please your most excellent Majesty, I presume to send 
herewith a copy of my humble petition to the King's Majesty, 
whereby your Majesty may perceive (with less trouble than any 
other relation of mine) as much (in effect) as I can say of the 
condition of my present estate and hard fortune. Now to whom 
so fitly address myself with confidence of help and mediation as to 
your Royal person (the mirror of our sex?) and being for me, 
your Majesty's humble and devoted servant, and in a cause of this 
nature so full of pity and commiseration, I will wholly rely upon 


42 r 

your Princely goodness, whom I humbly beseech to vouchsafe to 
enter into a gracious consideration of the true estate of my case 
and fortune, and then I nothing doubt but that in the true noble- 
ness of your Royal mind your Majesty will be pleased to mediate 
for me in such sort as in your most Princely wisdom and favour 
the same shall be moved. And I shall always pray for the ever- 
lasting honour and felicity of your Majesty with all your Roval 
issue in all things, and will remain for ever, vour Majesty's most 
humble and dutiful subject and servant, 

" Arbella Seymour." 

Note 74. 

When Lady Arabella heard that she was to be removed to the 
North under the care of the Bishop of Durham, she addressed the 
following letter to the Lord Chief Justice of England and the 
Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. (Han. MS., 7003, 
fol. 1 52) : — 

"My Lords, — Whereas I have been long restrained from my 
liberty, which is as much to be regarded as mv life, and am 
appointed, as I understand, to be removed far from these courts of 
Justice, where I ought to be examined, tried, and then condemned 
or cleared, to remote parts, whose Courts I hold unfitter for the 
trial of my offence : this is to beseech your Lordships to inquire by 
an Habeas Corpus or other usual form of law what is my fault ; 
and if, upon examination by your Lordships, I shall thereof be 
justly convicted, let me endure such punishment by your Lord- 
ships' sentence as is due to such an offender. And if vour Lord- 
ships may not or will not of yourselves grant unto me the ordinary 
relief of a distressed subject, then I beseech vou become humble- 
intercessors to his Majesty that I may receive such benefit of 
justice as both his Majesty, by his oath, those of his blood not 
excepted, hath promised, and the laws of this Realm afford to all 
others. And though, unfortunate woman that I am, I should 
obtain neither, yet 1 beseech your Lordships retain me in your 
good opinion, and judge charitably till I be proved to have com- 
mitted any offence, either against God or his Majesty, deserving so 
long restraint or separation from my lawful husband. So praying 
for your Lordships, I rest your afflicted poor suppliant, 

" Arbella Seymour." 

Note 75. 

The following letters to the King appear to have been written 
during the last year or two of Arabella's existence. Thev ;ire to 
be found in the Harl. MS., 7003, fol. 87 and 146 : — 



" The unfortunate estate whereunto I am fallen by being 
deprived of your Majesty's presence, the greatest comfort to me 
upon earth, together with the opinion is conceived of your 
Majesty's displeasure towards me, hath brought as great affliction 
to my mind as can be imagined touching the offence for which I 
am now punished. I most humbly beseech your Majesty, in your 
most princely wisdom and judgment, to consider in what a miserable 
state I have been in if I had taken any other course than I did, for 
my own conscience witnessing before God that I was then the wife 
of him that now I am, I could never have matched with any other 
man, but to have lived all the days of my life as an harlot, which 
your Majesty would have abhorred in any, especially in one who 
hath the honour (how otherwise unfortunate soever) to have any 
drop of your Majesty's blood in him. But I will trouble your 
Majesty not longer, but in all humility attending your Majesty's 
good pleasure for that liberty (the want thereof depriveth me of 
all health and all other worldly comfort), I will never forget to pray 
for your Majesty's most happy prosperity for ever in all things, and 
so remain, your Majesty's most humble and faithful subject and 

"Arbella Seymour." 

" In all humility — in most humble wise — the most wretched and 
unfortunate creature that ever lived, prostrates itself at the feet of 
the most merciful King that ever was, desiring nothing but mercy 
and favour, not being more afflicted for anything than for the loss 
of that which hath been this long time the only comfort it had in 
the world, and which if it were to do again, I would not adventure 
the loss of for any other worldly comfort. Mercy it is I desire, 

and that for God's sake. Let either Freake or " (The rest 

of the MS. has been torn off.) 

The following account is given of her end : — 

" She had clung so long to hope ; she had indulged so many 
visions while Seymour was yet near her. But they were violently 
parted : his fate was unknown to her : her enemies had triumphed. 
Accusations, from which, although there was no foundation for 
them, she had no means of clearing herself, pressed frightfully 
upon her ; the past had been all uncertainty, the future was dark- 
ness, and the present utter despair. Her mind became confused 
with the magnitude of her affliction ; her body was wasted and 
worn with unwonted exertion ; her nerves destroyed by continued 
irritation. Like Tasso, in his dungeon, strange shapes and sights 
appalled her, and she saw some hideous phantom in every shadow 
that fell upon her prison floor. In vain she exerted all the powers 
that nature and education had given her ; in vain she tried to busy 



herself as before in her confinement ; in vain she wrote petitions in 
the most moving language, poured out her sorrows in numbers — 
all was without effect. The blow had been struck, and fate was as 
remorseless as the king who refused her offerings and contemned 
her prayers. 

" ' Good, my lord,' she exclaims, in a letter to Viscount Fenton, 
' consider the fault cannot be uncommitted ; neither can any more 
be required of any earthly creature but confession and most humble 

" There yet remain fragments of her papers found scattered in 
her prison ; some written and crossed out, some begun and never 
ended ; they are incoherent ravings or pathetic complaints. One 
letter is thus concluded : ' Help will come too late; and be assured 
that neither physician nor other, but whom I think good, shall 
come about me while I live, till I have his Majesty's favour, with- 
out which I desire not to live. And, if you remember of old, I dare 
die — so I be not guilty of my own death, and oppress others with 
my ruin too, if there he no other way, as God forbid, to whom I 
commit you.' — *' I could not be so unchristian as to be the cause of 
my own death. Consider what the world would conceive if I should 
be violently enforced to do it.' 

u And she thus writes in the agony of her spirit : ' In all 
humility the most wretched and unfortunate creature that ever 
lived prostrates itself at the feet of the most merciful king that ever 
was y desiring nothing but mercy and favour, not being more 
afflicted for anything than the loss of that which hath been this 
long time the only comfort it had in the world j and which, if it 
were to do again, I would not adventure the loss of for any 
other worldly comfort ; mercy it is I desire, and that for God's 

"That mercy came not, and was looked for in vain, till hope 
deferred made her heart sick even to death : 

"Where London's towre its turrets show 

So stately by the Thames' side, 
Faire Arabella, child of woe, 

For many a day had sat and sigh'd : 
And as she heard the waves arise, 

And as she heard the bleake wi tides roare, 
As fast did heave her heartfelt sighes, 

And still so fast her teares did poure." 

(Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen, Miss Costello.) 

st Lady Arabella was buried in Westminster Abbev in the same 
vault with Mary Oueen of Scots and Henry, Prince of Wales, but 
without any memorial of her resting-place. Camden says her 



funeral was conducted in the night, and without pomp. An 
epitaph was written for her by Richard Corbet, Bishop of Norwich. 
The production is far from remarkable for poetical talent, and the 
third and last lines are obscure : — 

"'How do I thank thee, death, and bless thy power, 
That I have pass'd the guard, and 'scaped the tower, 
And now my pardon is my epitaph, 
And a small coffin my poor carcass hath ; 
For at thy charge, both soul and body were, 
Enlarged at last, secured from hope and fear ; 
That amongst saints, this amongst kings is laid, 
And what my birth did claim, my death hath paid.' 

u Ballard informs us that her coffin was at one time so shattered 
and broken that her skull and body might be seen. Seymour 
appears to have regarded his wife's memory with affection. It 
may be taken as evidence of it, that he called one of his daughters, 
by his second marriage with Frances, daughter of Robert 
Devereux, Earl of Essex, by the name of Arabella Seymour." 

(Memoirs of the Court of England.) 

Note 76. 

Letter from the Earl of Hertford to William Seymour when 
abroad. Printed in Wilts Archaeolog. Mag., p.' 1 162. Oct.; 23, 

" Your former great offences which I neede not expresse aded 
to your course of life, ever since you escaped over the seas, not a 
little agrevated by your late wilfull repaire to Duncerke, contrary 
to his Majestie's pleasure, and my instructions sent you by your 
tutor Pellinge, under pretence of fear of creditors in France, would 
make any grandfather hate the memorie of suche a nephew. I 
had thought his Majestie's gratious favour, that out of his princely 
compacion on your weekness, drew from mee so greate an annall 
allowance, my care of your education from your cradle, and your 
dayly protestacion by letters that you would amend all your errors, 
had been enough to have with-held you from Duncerk or any 
other forbydden place, though it had ben with the losse of your 
liberty, or at least drawen you for a time to Geneva, where your 
Religion could not be corrupted, rather than to indevour payment 
of your debts by a worse means then they were incurred. These 
considerations make me fear, though you are not corupted in your 
religion, from which God I hope will deliver my family, that you 
are falen from his Grace and service without which you can never 
prosper, nor any naturall care of myne take good effect. You writ 
for payment of your debts and have prevayled with my worthy 
friend the Lord Imbassador Ledger (Edmunds) to write for 



increase of meanes, but do not consider how litle your ill govern- 
ment and profusse expense, doth incourage mee to contynew that 
you have already. Is not £400 a yere from your aged grandfather 
whose estate by debts and these like burdens stands more deeply 
ingaged than his life-time is like to free, an exceeding greate allow- 
ance ? which notwithstanding I have not long since paid to 
Langrett your marchant in Paris, £100 for you whereof your 
letter makes noe mention. To conclude, I advise you in the feare 
of God, serve him, amende your course of life, be carefull not to do 
any thinge that may offend your gracious Soveraigne, to whom I 
wishe my selfe and all myne to be Saints, though to God we 
cannot bee but sinners, live within your compasse, depend upon the 
good advise and counsell of that worthey gent, the Lord Imbas- 
sador to whome you are muche bounde, his good indevours and 
justification of your reformation may be greate means for you one 
day to kisse that Royall hand, which may make you happie, and 
bee a comfort to my old age. Whereas by your relaps you shall be 
sure to rewin your selfe and what in you lyes tumble my grave 
haires with sorrow to my grave. In this course upon farther trial], 
I may be drawen to do for you what my meanes will give leave. 
And ever so prayinge God to blesse you with his Holy Spirite, I 
reste," etc. 

Note 77. 

Another account is somewhat similar: — "Their first step was 
to proceed to St. George's Chapel, to select a proper resting-place 
for his remains. That beautiful and interesting building was at 
this period, internally a mass of ruins. The ancient inscriptions, 
the architectural ornaments, the stalls and banners of the Knights 
of the Garter, had been either torn down or defaced by the hands 
of the Republicans and lay strewed in melancholy devastation on 
the floor. It was found impossible to distinguish the tomb of a 
monarch from the grave of a verger. At last, one of the noblemen 
present, happening to strike the pavement with his staff, perceived 
by the hollow sound that there was a vault beneath. The stones 
and earth having been removed, they came to two coffins, which 
proved to be those of King Henry the 8th and Oueen Jane Seymour. 
Though considerably more than a century had elapsed since their 
interment, the velvet palls which covered their coffins were still 
fresh. In this vault, over against the eleventh stall on the so\ e- 
reign's side, it was decided to inter the body of King Charles." 

(Memoirs of the Court of England.) 

Note 78. 

** Also out of the regard I have for the supporting the 

honour of the Dukedom of Somerset, I do give and appoint the 



manors of Powsey and Titcombe, Cum Oxcnwood, with their 
rights, members and appurtenances, in the county of Wilts, and 
all messuages, farms, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, to the 
said manors, or either of them, belonging, or reputed, or taken, ta 
be part, parcel, or member of them, or either of them. And all 
that farm called Harding farm, with its rights, members, appur- 
tenances, in the county of Wilts, unto Charles, Duke of Somerset, 
for and during the term of his natural life," etc. 

Note 79. 

The lady's mother, thinking her too young, made an arrange- 
ment with Mr. Thynne that he should not live with his wife for a 
year after the marriage. The lady then went abroad to pass the 
time, and, during a visit in Holland, was seen by Count Konigs- 
mark, who was much attracted by her. 

The Count was one of the handsomest and best-bred men of 
his time, his descent being from a noble German family who 
formerly had been sovereign princes. He was, however, neither 
rich nor honourable, and finding out through the lady's maid, 
whom he bribed, that she was a great heiress, and, though married, 
had not as yet consummated the marriage rights, he determined to 
marry her. In order to do this, he thought that the quickest way 
would be to get rid of her present husband, and therefore dispatched 
G. Boroski, one of his servants, to England with orders to murder 
Mr. Thynne. This servant, on his way, hired two foreign 
ruffians, C. Vratz and J. Stern, and the three managed to waylay 
Mr. Thynne one night as he was returning home through Pall 
Mall and shot him in his chariot. 

This murder created a great sensation and every effort was 
made to bring the assassins to justice. The three men who com- 
mitted the deed were caught and executed almost on the spot 
where they had committed the murder, but the Count, though 
brought to trial, managed to escape justice through a corrupt jury. 
Lord Cavendish then challenged him to a mortal combat, but the 
Count fled. He was, however, killed some years after whilst in 
the execution of a most cowardly and wicked attempt on the 
virtue of a most virtuous Princess in a foreign court. 

Note 80. 

Swift, in his Journal to Stella, has many passages referring to 
the Duchess of Somerset. At first the references are moderate 
and inoffensive, such as : "Your Duchess of Somerset, who now 
has the key, is a most insinuating woman." Later, however, we 
find him raging about u Your d d Duchess of Somerset," and 



writing, apparently in great fear of her influence against his 
party, "We must certainly fall if the Duchess of Somerset be not 
turned out ; and nobody believes the Queen will ever part with 
her." Soon after, in one of his poems, we find the lines : — 

u By an old murderess pursued, 
A crazy prelate, and a royal prude," 

referring to the Duchess of Somerset, the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and Queen Anne. The Windsor Prophecy, which was 
pretended to have been found in a grave at Windsor, and which 
was written in antique English, contains the following lines : — 

"And, dear England, if aught I understond, 
Carrots sown THYNN a deep root may get 
If so they be in SOMER set : 

Their CONYNGS MARK thou ; for I have been told 

They assassin when young and poison when old. 

Root out these carrots, O thou whose name 

Is backwards and forwards always the same ; 

And keep close to thee always that name 

Which backwards and forwards is almost the same ; 

And, England, would'st thou be happy still, 

Bury the carrots under a Hill." 

The references here made are to the Queen (Anna), Mrs. 
Masham (formerly Miss Hill), and to the Duchess of Somerset, 
whose hair was undoubtedly red. 

Note 81. 

The following is inscribed in the front of the pedestal : — 

Duci Somersetensi 
strcnuo juris acedici defensori 
acerrimo libertatis publicae vindici 

Lcctissimarum matronarum munus 
L.M. ponendum decrevit 
Academia Cantabriquiensis 
Ouam praesidio munivit 

Auxit munincentia 
Per annos plus sexaginta 



The following is inscribed on the reverse : — 

Hanc statuam 
Suae in parentum pietatis 
In academiam studii 

Ornatissimae feminae 
Francesca marchionis A. Granby conjux 
Charlotta baronis de Guernsey 
S.P. faciendam curaverunt 

Note 82. 

He instigated the idea that the portraits of the members of the 
Kit-Cat Club should be taken and made into a book. He himself 
was the first member to sit to Kneller for his portrait, which he 
presented to Jacob Touson. The mezzotint engravings from the 
originals by Faber, published in 1735, were dedicated to him in 
the following words : — a May it please your grace, — as this collec- 
tion of prints owes its being to your liberality in setting the example 
to the other members of the Kit-Cat Club of honouring Mr. Touson 
with their pictures, and as your grace has ever been eminently 
distinguished by that noble principle for the support of which 
that Association was known to have been formed, the love of your 
country and the constitutional liberty thereof ; but more especially 
as the arts and sciences have always found in your grace a most 
illustrious and indulgent patron — this work is humbly inscribed to 
your grace," etc. To the dedication are prefixed the armorial 
bearings of the Seymour family, and an enumeration of the various 
titles and situations of the Duke. 

Note 83. 

The two following letters from the Countess of Hertford, after- 
wards Duchess of Somerset, on the death of her son, George, 
Lord Beauchamp, are perhaps worthy of perusal as showing her 
great affection and her resignation to a superior power : — 

" To the Rev. Dr. B . 

" Sir, — I am very sensibly obliged by the very kind compassion 
you express for me under my heavy affliction. The meditations 
you have favoured me with, afford the strongest motives for con- 
solation that can be offered to a person under my unhappy circum- 
stances. The dear lamented son I have lost, was the pride and joy 


of my heart, but I hope I may be the more easily excused for 
having looked on him in this light, since he was not so from the 
outward advantages he possessed, but from the virtues and recti- 
tude of his mind. The prospects which flattered me in regard to 
him, were not drawn from his distinguished rank, or from the 
beauty of his person, but from the hopes that his example would 
have been serviceable to the cause of virtue, and would have 
shown the younger part of the world, that it was possible to be 
cheerful without being foolish or vicious, and to be religious 
without severity or melancholy. His whole life was one uninter- 
rupted course of duty and affection to his parents, and when he 
found the hand of death upon him, his only regret was to think of 
the agonies that must rend their hearts ; for he was perfectly con- 
tented to leave the world, as his conscience did not reproach him 
with any presumptuous sins, and he hoped his errors would be 
forgiven. Thus he resigned his innocent soul into the hands of 
his merciful Creator on the evening of the birthday which com- 
pleted him nineteen. You will not be surprised, Sir, that the 
death of such a son should occasion the deepest sorrow : vet at the 
same time it leaves us the most comfortable assurance, that he is 
far happier than our fondest wishes could have made him, which 
must enable us to support the remainder of years which it shall 
please God to allot for us here, without murmuring or discontent, 
and quicken our endeavours to prepare ourselves to follow him in 
that happy place, where our dear valuable child is gone before us. 
I beg the continuance of your prayers, and am, Sir, 

" Yours, etc., F. Hertford." 

The second letter was written after an interval of ten years to a 
lady friend : — 

" I am sorry, good Mrs. , to find that your illness seems 

rather to increase than diminish ; yet the disposition of mind with 
which you receive this painful dispensation, seems to convert your 
sufferings into a blessing. While you resign to the will of God 
in so patient a manner, this disease seems only the chastisement of 
a wise and merciful being, who chasteneth not for his own 
pleasure, but for our profit. Were I not convinced of this great 
truth, I fear I must long since have sunk under the burden of 
sorrow, which God saw fit to wean my heart from this vain 
world, and show me how little all the grandeur and riches of it 
avail not to happiness. He gave me a son, who promised all that 
the fondest wishes of the fondest parents could hope ; an honour 
to his family, an ornament to his country ; with a heart early 
attached to all the duties of religion and society, with the advan- 
tage of strong and uninterrupted health, joined to a form, which, 
when he came into Italy, made him more generally known by 



the name of the English Angel than by that of his family. I 
know this account may look like a mother's fondness ; perhaps it 
was too much so once : but Alas ! it now only serves to shew the 
uncertainty and frailty of all human dependance. This justly 
beloved child was snatched from us before we could hear of his 
illness. That fatal disease, the smallpox, seized him at Bologna, 
and carried him off the evening of his birthday, on which he had 
completed nineteen years. Two posts before, I had a letter from 
him, written with all the life and innocent cheerfulness inherent 
to his nature ; the next but one came from his afflicted Governor 
(M. Dalton), to acquaint his unhappy father that he had lost the 
most dutiful and best of sons, the pride and hope of his declining 
age. He bore the stroke like a wise man and a christian ; but he 
never forgot, nor ceased to sigh for it. A long series of pain and 
infirmity, which was duly gaining ground upon him, shewed me 
the sword, which appeared suspended over my head by an almost 
cobweb thread, long before it dropped. As to my bodily pains, I 
bless God, they are by no means insupportable at present. I 
rather suffer a languid state of weakness, which wastes my flesh 
and consumes my spirits by a gentle decay, than any frightful 
suffering ; and am spending that remains of nature, which was 
almost exhausted in continued care and anxiety for the sufferings 
of a person dearer to me than one's self. My daughter, who is 
very good to me, has sent me her youngest son, just turned of 
four years, to amuse me in my solitude, because he is a great 
favourite of mine, and shews a great deal of his uncle's disposition, 
and some faint likeness of his person. It is high time to release 
you from so long a letter, but there are some subjects on which 
my tears nor pen know not how to stop, when they begin to flow. 
I am, dear Madam, 

" Your sincerely affectionate friend, F. Somerset. 

-July, 1762." 

Note 84. 

In consideration of the Manor of Sevenhampton and the lands 
before mentioned, which Sir John Thynne had sold him, he made 
over to that knight (June 2nd) his chief mansion house of the late 
prebend or parsonage of Thauw and various lands and buildings be- 
longing to it, in the county of Oxford, as well as tithes and oblations 
there and in some adjoining places, and also the manor of Berry 
Pomeroy with everything belonging to it, except what was called 
its site, the castle, the two parks, and some lands of which the king 
had the last year granted a lease of twenty years to one Robert 
Robotham. He made over at the same time the moiety of his Manor 
of Bridgetown and the half of all his lands there. The yearly value 



of the estates are mentioned and are nearly equal. There was, how- 
ever, a proviso that in case Sir Edward Seymour should, within five 
years, wish to have again the Manor or Berry Pomeroy and the 
half of the Manor of Bridgetown with the premises belonging to 
them, and would convey to Sir John Thynne a good and sufficient 
estate in the Manor of Maiden Bradley and the Manors of Chedder 
and Walton and his other lands in Somerset, or so much of them as 
might be equivalent to what he should desire to resume ; that then 
Sir John Thynne should hold so much of the Devonshire estate to 
the use of Sir Edward Seymour. On the 15th of June, the Manor 
of Middleton (or Milton) was disposed of. Sir Edward sold it 
to Mr. Humphrey Coles. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 85. 

In 1553 Giles Kellaway was appointed steward of the lands in 
Devon ; George Bold was bailiff at Maiden Bradley, and Jefrrev 
Upton receiver of the rents in Somerset. In 1 556 Sir Edward 
took measures for securing to himself and his familyithe possession 
of his estates in Devon, or rather of those which had been pur- 
chased by the late Duke, and which were mostly held by Sir John 
Thynne. The conveyance of these estates to the Protector was 
now inspected and exemplified (April 22nd). This was apparently 
done at the request of Sir Edward Seymour. It would be needless 
to recapitulate this exemplification, but it embraced Walton 
Manor, Chedder, Winterstoke, Maiden Bradley, the Barton of 
Berry Pomeroy and half Bridgetown Pomeroy. In the following 
year Sir Edward was able to complete the arrangement with Sir 
John Thynne, by paying him £2,279, upon which Sir John 
released to him all the property that had belonged to Sir Thomas 
Pomeroy in Devon. On Nov. 2nd this transaction was followed 
by another to the same purpose, when Sir John renounced every 
claim he had in the manors of Berrv and Bridgetown Pomeroy 
and in lands there and in Ipplepen. fn Michaelmas term 1558, a 
fine was levied between Sir Edward and Sir John and his lady, of 
the Manor and estate of Berry Pomeroy, Ipplepen, Netherton, 
Langcombe, Afton, the advowson of the vicarage, the moiety of 
the manor of Bridgetown, and of the lands and houses which' had 
been conveyed to Sir John in that place. In 1559 Sir Edward 
applied for an exemplification of those Acts of Parliament which 
related to the title by which he held his lands. The two most 
important ones were the 3rd and 4th of Edward VI, in 1550, 
and the 5th and 6th of the same King, passed in 1552. Bv per- 
mission of Oueen Elizabeth, a full and separate exemplification 
of each of them was made out, April 5th. It is worthy of notice 

43 2 


that the last of them appears to recite incorrectly a former Act 
passed in 1540. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 86. 

On Oct. 27th, 1563, there was executed an exemplification and 
discharge of several charges that had been laid on the Manors of 
Berry and Bridgetown Pomeroy, and in the following year another 
was obtained of the fine that, in 1548, had been levied of the 
Devon estates between Sir Thomas Pomeroy and the Duke of 
Somerset. In 1565, some lands and a wood called Mockwood, 
near Berry, Stanteswood, Short Mead, Underwood, and the 
marshes near Totnes bridge, held by Jeffrey and William Bulky, 
were conveyed to Sir Edward Seymour. Sir Edward continued, 
by a series of small purchases, to extend his property round Berry 
Castle. He bought, in 1566, Little Meadow or Mill Meadow, 
the Mill leat belonging to small Brook Mill and Torr wood. In 
1567 he freed the Bradley estate of a small yearly rent claimed by 
the Stourton family. In 1570, desiring to procure stronger 
security in the Devon estate, he obtained, from the Lord Treasurer 
of England, a warrant for the deeds relating to its conveyance to 
the late Duke. These were accordingly delivered by Christophus 
Smith to Henry Dugdale of Clement's Inn, with a list which 
shows that they consisted of ten different writings. He also 
bought of John Rayche all his estate in the borough of Bridge- 
town or elsewhere in the parish of Berry. In 157 1 he bought 
from the Goodrudges several small properties in Bridgetown that 
were mixed up with his own. In 1574 he purchased some more 
property in Bridgetown that had belonged to the Martyns. In the 
same year he purchased an estate close to Maiden Bradley from the 
Lamberts ; it consisted of a messuage, Toft, garden and orchard, 
160 acres of land supposed to be arable, 140 acres of meadow, 180 
acres of pasture, and 100 acres of brake, all in Wiltshire ; twenty 
acres of land, ten acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, and 
forty acres of brake, in Somerset. He also bought two houses on 
the south side of the street at Bridgetown. In May, 1577, he 
bought some houses and lands in Denbury, amounting to sixty 
acres, from the Earl of Bedford. He now, and for the next two 
years, had a great deal of trouble in consequence of the transaction 
which had taken place in 1553 with King Edward VI. For, as 
Sir Edward had then made over to that King various estates, many 
of them in Gloucestershire, had covenanted that he was seized in 
fee simple of the premises, and, for performance of the covenant, 
had become bound in a recognizance of two thousand pounds, 
which had never been paid ; a precept was now directed to the 



Sheriff of Somerset to ascertain what lands and of what annual 
value the said knight possessed within the Sheriffwick. An in- 
quisition was, therefore, taken at Taunton (Aug. 27) by which 
Sir Edward appeared to be possessed of the Manor of Cheddar, net 
value j£26 per annum, and of the Manor of Walton, of the net annual 
value of £20. Hereupon proclamation was made, according to 
custom, that if any one could show cause why the Queen should 
not take the above Manors in liquidation of the debt due to her, he 
should appear. As no one came forward, it was considered that 
the Queen should hold these Manors till the debt had been paid. 
As it was not paid by Feb. 12, 1578, separate briefs were issued 
to the Sheriffs of Wilts and Devon. The former now seized the 
Manor of Maiden Bradley till the debt should be discharged. The 
latter seized the Manor of Zeale Monachorum. All this does not 
appear to have disconcerted Sir Edward, who continued making his 
small purchases, and now bought more land at Denbury. The de- 
mands of the Government, however, became pressing, and he had to 
appear in Court, where he defended his case with skill. The judges, 
not being certain, then put off the trial till 1579, when Sir Edward 
again went to the Court, only to find the proceedings postponed 
for the second time. Whilst this was pending he purchased an 
estate called Rawes, Wooden Hame, and Woodey, not far from 
North Tawton. The case against him was now fixed for the 
26th of Nov., and accordingly, on that day, he came in person into 
the court of Exchequer. It was found to be completely in his 
favour, and he was therefore restored to the lands that had been 
seized. On the 2nd of March, 1580, he bought some more 
houses and lands in Bridgetown, from Richard and John Savery. 
In 1 58 1 he made a considerable purchase in the parish of Chum- 
leigh, for which he gave/, 1,260 to Hugh and Robert Bury. 

Sir Edward did not confine his purchases entirely to productive 
estate but was also anxious to obtain what was honorary. He now 
made a purchase that combined both, for he bought the castle and 
honour of Totnes, the Manors of Totnes, Cornworthy, Loddis- 
well, and Huish, with forty houses, ten cottages, five mills, two 
dove houses, forty gardens, forty orchards, a thousand acres of land, 
one hundred of meadow, two hundred of wood, two hundred of 
brake and heath, a rent of ten pounds and a right of free fishery 
in the Dart. These being held directly from the Crown, a license 
was required for the transfer, but the vendor Mr. Peter Edgcombe, 
got over this by a fine levied in the court of King's Bench. Sir 
Edward seems, at this time, to have thought of giving the name of 
Seymour instead of Pomeroy to the Berry estate, for, in some 
leases signed about this time, the name of Berry Seymour occurs. 
In 1583, he purchased the fourth part of the hundred of Haytor 
from Mr. Thomas Ford. 

The Swan-head-ship of the county of Devon was another 



honorary franchise which he was desirous of possessing. Swans, 
not marked or otherwise domesticated, were considered oy the law 
in the nature of estrays and as such belonged to the King who 
had thus the right of granting to any subject all the birds of this 
species which might be found under such circumstances. The 
subject to whom they were granted was called the Great Swanherd 
and might transfer to others a part or the whole of his franchise. 
Lord Buckhurst now appointed Sir Edward Seymour his deputy 
in the Swan-head-ship for Devon. (Nov. 20.) 

On Sept. ist he bought two houses, two orchards, four .acres of 
land, three acres of meadow, one acre of wood and three acres of 
marsh from John Blackler, these were situated in Bridgetown. 
In 1586 he obtained pardons of alienation for having purchased 
without a license some properties held immediately under the 
Crown. These were the hundred of Haytor, the castle of Totnes, 
and the Manors of Loddiswell and Huish. 

In 1589 he bought another forty-seven acres in Denbury, with a 
right of using the water of Holly well. In 1 592 he bought Langford 
Budville, in Somersetshire, and a house, garden, and two orchards 
in Bridgetown ; also a house, orchard, and garden between Berry 
and Bridgetown. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 87. 

Mr. Seymour found himself possessed of the castle and honour 
of Berry, Berry Pomeroy and Bridgetown Pomeroy, with the 
advowson of the church of Berry, the castle and honour of Totnes, 
the Manors of Cornworthy, Loddiswell, Huish, Monnocken 
Zeale (alias Zeal Monacon), the manor of Losebear, a moiety of 
the hundred of Haytor, the site of the monastery of Torr, and 
divers other lands in Devon ; the manor and lordship of Maiden 
Bradley and divers other lands in Wilts ; and the house called the 
Lord Cheyne's house in London. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset. — 
Collins's Peerage.) 

An inquisition was taken (Sept. 20, 1593) of the landed posses- 
sions of the late Sir Edward Seymour. His estates appear by this 
to have been extensive but not compact. With respect to most of 
them, the acres are enumerated in round numbers, and of course, 
in an inaccurate manner. But with regard to some few, Rawes 
Woodenhame, Spickewyke, Wydecombe, and Ashburton, even 
this loose estimation is omitted. And indeed this omission is not 
much to be regretted ; for where the quantities are stated, they 
appear to be exaggerated. Thus the estate in Berry Pomeroy, 
independent of other property in Devon, is made to contain 
7,600 acres. Now the amount of Wilkin's general survey of it, is 



only 4,304 acres, 3 roods, and 23 perches. The Loventor estate 
was in the sixteenth century as it still is, the property of another 
family, and cannot, therefore, be considered as having served to 
swell the terrier of Sir Edward Seymour. And, without it, all the 
lands in the parish would not amount to the quantity that was 
stated to be his by the inquisition. 

The names, not only of parishes and manors, but of smaller 
divisions of the estate were, in the sixteenth century, the same as 
they are at present, but the cultivation and mode of management 
were then very different. There appears to have been, at that 
time, on the Berry estate, not one mill nor a single orchard. The 
quantity of furze and heath was also much greater than it is at 

This document shows too that, notwithstanding Sir Edward's 
knowledge of business, he had been dispossessed of an estate at 
Collaton, after having bought and paid for it. 

The wording of this license is extraordinary from its compre- 
hensiveness and particularity, and the precision with which it run- 
through the various modes and forms of that kind of property, Ir 
especially bars any molestation from the Judges of the Exchequer, 
the Sheriffs, and the Receivers of the Crown ; as if Mr. Seymour 
had still been under some apprehension of being disturbed with 
regard to the estates obtained by exchange from King Edward 
the 6th. The grant contains, moreover, a complete remission of 
all dues that might be claimed by the Crown out of this property, 
excepting, however, any debt of obligation or recognition. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 88. 

A synopsis of the Lands that belonged to Sir Edward Seymour at 
the time of his death in 1593. 





C • 
a -c 







2 5 
c S 









Totnes, Cornworthy, &c 

I, coo 

























Yealbourne and Paignton 







DenburyandTor Mowcn V 
























43 6 


A Synopsis of Houses that belonged to Sir Edward Seymour at the 
time of his death in 1593. 








































Tor Mowen and Cockington 






Maiden Bradley 






West Nymett 













(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 89. 

How each Hundred in Devon payed towards the Composition for 
the provision of Her Majesty's household. 

North Division. South Division. East Division. 












Roxborough . 

... 2 



Axminster .... 5 



Fremington .... 





... 3 



East Budleigh 5 







... 3 





Witheridge ... 




Stainborrow . 

... 3 



J 3 


South Molton 




Armington . 

... 2 



Ottery St. 

North Tawton 






Mary 1 



Black Torring- 

... 3 









Tavistocke . 



Henrioche .... 3 









Halberton .... 2 







West Budley. 



Tiverton 3 



Winkleighe .... 


1 1 


C red i ton 






... 3 



Teignbridge . 

... 2 







• 5 




I X 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 



Note 90. 

The moiety of the South Division of Devon, October, 1595. 
Colonel : Edward Seymour, Esq. 

Captains: R. Champernowne, W. Grymes, W. Wrey, Ed. Giles. 

Corslets with pikes 182 

Calivers 365 

Muskets 94 

Bows 93 

Bills 182 

Men armed 916 

Pioneers 160 

Powder, match and bullets, of each 1,042 ; horses for carriage*, 200; naggs 
for shot, 200 j able men, 1,600. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 
Note 91 . 

Prince's book, published in 1701, gives the following account of 
Berry Castle : " It was a castle, standing a mile distant towards 
the east from the parish church of BIR 1 aforesaid. What it was 
in its antique form, can hardly be calculated from what at present 
remains standing, which is only the front, facing the south in a 
direct line, of about 60 cloth-yards in length. '1 he gate standeth 
towards the west end of the front, over which, carved in moor- 
stone, yet remaineth Pomeroy's arms." — (viz., O. a lion ramo. 
G. within a bordure engrailea S.) " It had heretofore a double 
portcullis, whose entrance is about 12 foot in height, and 30 foot 
in length ; which gate is turretted and embattled, as are the walls 
yet standing, home to the east thereof ; where answereth, yet in 
being, a tower called St. Margaret's, from which several gentle- 
men in this county anciently held their lands. Within this is a 
large quadrangle, the north and east side whereof, the honourable 
family of Seymour, whose possession now it is, built ; (a magnifi- 
cent structure, at the charges, as Fame relates it, of £20,000 ;) 
but never brought it to perfection, for the west side of the quad- 
rangle was never begun ; what was finished may be thus de- 
scribed : before the door of the great hall was a noble walk, whose 
length was the breadth of the court, arched over with curiously 
carved free-stone, supported in the fore-part by several stately 
pillars of the same stone, of great dimensions, after the Corinthian 
order, standing on pedestals, having cornices or friezes finely 
wrought ; behind which were placed in the wall several seats of 
free-stone also, cut into the form of an escallop shell, in which 
the company, when weary, might repose themselves. 



" The apartments within were very splendid, especially the 
dining-room, which was adorned, besides paint, with statues and 
figures cut in alabaster, with admirable art and labour, but the 
chimney-piece curiously engraven, was of great cost and value. 
Many other of the rooms were well adorned with mouldings and 
fretwork ; some of whose marble clavils were so delicately fine, 
that they would reflect an object true and lively from a great 
distance. In short the number of the apartments of the whole 
may be collected hence, if report be true, That it was a good days 
work for a servant to open and shut the casements belonging to the?n. 
Notwithstanding which it is now demolished, and all this glory 
Heth in the dust buried in its own ruins ; there being nothing 
standing but a few broken walls, which seem to mourn their own 
approaching funerals." 

Note 92. 

Robert Seymour apparently received the honour of Knighthood 
and was made Teller of the Exchequer, for we find a warrant, 
dated Nov. 17, 1623, to pay to William Twyne, clerk of the 
Kitchen, the sum of ^1,842 surplusage of his account for 
expenses of the Commissioners sent to Southampton to attend to 
the reception of the Infanta, and to grant a discharge to Sir 
Robert Seymour, Teller of the Exchequer, for £200 by him 
previously advanced for the same service, without letters of Privy 
Seal. Sir Robert appears also to have acted as agent to the Earl of 
Bristol, for we find that nobleman writing, July 15, 1624, to say 
that he desired to spend some time in settling his own affairs, 
Sir Robert Seymour who managed them being dead. 

(State Papers, Dom., James I.) 

Note 93. 

On July 9, 1644, Col. Seymour received, in addition, the whole 
of the Devonshire estates from his father, to whom he agreed to 
give an annuity in exchange, and also to make certain provisions 
for his younger brothers and sisters. 

(Articles betw. Sir E. Seymour and Col. Seymour, papers 
of nth Duke of Somerset.) 

The settlement of the Maiden Bradley estate was executed 
chiefly on account of his marriage with a daughter of Sir William 
Portman. By the articles executed on that occasion, his father 
was to give him Maiden Bradley for his use and to settle it on his 
children. He also bound himself to settle the Devonshire estates 
in such a manner that they should come to him after his decease. 
(As we have seen he parted with them during his lifetime in 



exchange for an annuity.) The Devonshire estates being mort- 
gaged to the amount of ^1,992. o. o. it was agreed that that 
amount was to be paid out of the Lady's portion of £3,000. 

(Seymour Papers, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 94. 

The Declaration of the Gentrie of the King's Party in the 
County of Devon. (Printed by Roger Norton in 1660.) 

We whose names are underwritten cannot but in all humility 
and gratitude acknowledge the infinite mercy of Almighty God to 
this Nation in giving such signal testimonies of his goodness 
towards it, by creating in men's hearts a confidence of the restora- 
tion of our native rights in Church and State so long suppressed 
by the ambitions and passions of factious and vulgar spirits, and 
that as we hope without the effusion of more blood or any farther 
devastation, He having wonderfully raised for our deliverance and 
to the perpetual honour of this Country, his excellencv LORD 
GENERAL MONK, a person averse from those wicked designs 
and actions which others heretofore have practised on us, and to 
whose courage and conduct these nations are deeply engaged. 
And hearing there are a sort of malicious and uncharitable people, 
who by dispersing false rumours endeavour to have it believed 
that we and others of the KING'S PARTY are rather inclined 
to revenge and faction, than to the settlement of the peace of our 
Country ; We therefore do think it our duty to declare to all the 
world, that we have it not so much as in our thoughts to contrive 
or do anything to the prejudice of the Public Settlement but (for- 
getting what is past) are resolved cheerfully and unanimously to 
submit and adhere to the determinations and Acts of Parliament, 
Praying to God to bless and prosper their Councels and Pro- 

Edward Seymour. 
Peter Prideaux. 
Thomas Hele. 
Hugh Pollarde. 
Courtenay Poole. 

Francis Fullforde. 
Henry Carew. 
Richard Prideaux. 
Peter Bulle. 
James Smyth. 


Arthur Basset. 
Thomas Carew. 
Francis Drewe. 
John Courtenay. 
Henry Champernowne. 
Thomas Stuclye. 
Robert Cary. 
John Giffard. 
Edmund Tremaine. 
John Prouse. 
George Yeo. 

Edward Pyne. 
James Phodes. 
Ames Pollarde. 
John Hancocke. 
John Weare. 
John Raymond. 
Robert Warren. 

Thomas Woode. 
Mark Cottle. 

Thomas Shapcotc. 
Robert Walker. 



Note 95. 

On account of his ill-health and advancing age, Sir Edward 
now resigned his command. Upon this he received the fol- 
lowing letter from Lord Bath, which shows upon what good terms 
they were. 

The Earl of Bath to Sir Edward Seymour. (Papers, 1 ith Duke.) 

"Sir, I have received your two kind and most obliging letters 
for which I give you all imaginable thanks, but am infinitely 
sorry to hear of your indisposition of health and that it is now so 
inconvenient for you to continue your former command of the 
Militia of this county, out of whose hands it should never be taken 
during my Lieutenancy without your earnest and pressing desires, 
as now it is, and for your regiment I would never consent it 
should be under any other name than yours and for that reason 
because you will have it so at present, I am willing to transfer the 
same upon your most worthy grandson, to whom I have sent you 
enclosed a commission for him to be Colonel of your regiment, 
and another to make him a Deputy Lieutenant, with another 
deputation for yourself, assuring you that no man living doth or 
can more truly love and honour you and my ever honoured dear 
Lady at Berry, to whose service in particular I am eternally 
devoted, and beg pardon that I have not time at this present to 
write to her Ladyship, which I shall not fail to do very speedily, 
and in everything within my power gives perfect obedience to her 
commands. Thus with the presentment of my humble service to 
you both, wishing you all the health and prosperity in the world, 
and ever remain with all truth, Sir, 

" Your most affectionate kinsman and most faithful servant, 

" Bathe. 

" April 9, 1686." 

Note 96. 

On March 14, 1664, Captain Hugh Seymour was ordered to 
Kinsale, in his ship the Pearl, by the following letter from the 
Duke of York :— 

"The Duke of York to Captain H. Seymour. 

"So soon as you have cleaned the ship under your command at 
Kinsale and received on board your victuals, you are with the first 
opportunity of wind and weather (in company of His Majesty's 
ships named in the margin, i.e. y the Dartmouth, the Richmond, 
the Nightingale, and the Little Gift), to sail to the North West 
part of Ireland, and to ply out at sea about Black Rock, near 
Broadhaven, endeavouring to seize upon such Dutch ships as shall 



pass that way and to send them into Kinsale, if it may be, or else 
into the next convenient port, and cause them to be delivered unto 
such persons as shall be appointed there to receive prize goods - y 
and if no person be appointed in the said port for that purpose, 
then unto the Vice-Admirals of the county where such port shall 
be, or his deputy, to be by him secured until orders shall be given 
for their reception by some peculiarly appointed for that purpose. 
If any of the ships appointed to go with you shall not arrive at 
Kinsale before you are ready to sail, or being there shall not be in 
readiness to sail with you, you are in such case not to stay for 
them but to proceed to your station without them, leaving notice 
with the commanders, or (in case of their absence) with the Clerk 
of the Cheque at Kinsale, sealed up, where they may most probably 
meet with you ; and being met you are to act by joint advice and 
cither separate yourselves or keep in a body, according as shall be 
judged best for the execution of these orders. Upon the arrival 
of Captain Rooth, in the Dartmouth, he is to command in chief, 
and you are to observe his orders, but until he arrive the com- 
mander of one of the fifth rate frigates (whose commission is of 
the oldest date) is to command. \ ou are to continue plying in 
this station until the last day of April or 10th of May, as you 
shall find occasion ; which time being expired you are to sail to 
Orkney, there to clean the ship under vour command and to 
expect further orders. You are to seize upon such ships as you 
meet with belonging to Hamburgh and send them in as aforesaid, 
taking care that the men on board them be civilly treated and 
neither the ship's furniture nor lading, as well what shall be 
between decks as in the hold, be embezzled ; the said ships not 
being intended to be brought in as prizes but only to be detained 
till further orders. And you are also to take notice that all ships 
belonging to Amelandand Embden are to be treated as Hollanders. 
Upon your seizing of the ships you are to take especial care that 
their tackle, apparell, furniture, and lading, be preserved from 
embezzlement, and you are to cause the masters and commanders 
of the said ships to produce all papers, writings, bills of lading, etc., 
concerning or relating to the said ships which you do cause to be 
sealed up in the presence and with the seal of the masters or com- 
manders of the said ships and also with your seal, and you are 
speedily to send the same unto the Commissioners for prizes in 
the port whither you shall send the said ships or to such persons 
as they shall employ in the said port. You are to send sometimes 
in Sligo to enquire for orders. Given under my hand at St. 
James Y s this 14th of March, 1664. 


After this expedition Captain Seymour apparently went to the 
Mediterranean, for, on July 16, 1664, we find him returning home 



from Tangiers with a prize named the Golden Fountain which 
had been captured near Algiers. On March 13, of the following 
year, he was still in command of the Pearl and came into Portland 
Bay with her, accompanied by three prizes, laden with wine and 
brandy, which had formed part of the Holland fleet of 30 sail 
which was returning from Bordeaux. On October i,of the same 
year, Lord Brounker and Sir J. Mennes wrote to the Navy Com- 
missioners to inform them that they had heard that Capt. Seymour, 
late of the Pearl, had embezzled some goods taken from the Prince 
William prize at Erith, and asking that he might be examined. 
This accusation was apparently found to be without foundation. 
On Feb. 8, 1666, a warrant was granted to him and to John 
Seymour, in reversion, of the office of Searcher of the Customs in 
the port of London, and, on Feb. 12, we find him in command 
of the Foresight. In this ship he joined the fleet acting in the 
Channel against the Dutch, and appears to have distinguished him- 
self on more than one occasion. In July, however, an important 
naval engagement took place in which he was killed. Sir John 
Clifford writing, on July 27, to Lord Arlington, says, in describ- 
ing the battle that had taken place on the 25th and 26th, " Sey- 
mour, the brave commander of the Foresight, was killed." 

That Hugh Seymour was highly thought of and was looked 
upon as a rising man in the Navy is shown by the following 
epitaphs, which would scarcely have been written for any man who 
was not well known and esteemed. 

Epitaphium Hugonis Seimori, gloriosissimi centurionis in classe 
Regia, fortiter in Navali Proelio contra Baffavos 8 Calends 
Sextilias Anno Christi 1666 defuncti. 

" Ouisquis es antiquum mirare et nubile stemma 
Quod Seimororum nomen et armia gerit. 
Laus cuius per totum Anglorum clarvit urbem 
Illius in tumba hac respice relliquias. 
Nil marum O Frater, cum sint mortalia cuncta 
At nostri Hugonis fama perennis erit." 

(State Papers, Dom., Charles II. Also Papers coll. by 1 ith 
Duke of Somerset.) 

Another Epitaph. 

Epitaphe de Huges Seymour, fils d'Edouard Seymour, baronet, 
qui tut tue dans un combat naval contre les Hollandais en 1666. 

" Nous delaissant ca bas au ciel tu te retires, 
O Seymour regrette par tous tes vraies amis ; 
Mais au ciel tu le pois delivre des envis 
Oue la-bas nous souffrons parmi tant de martyrs. 



u Nous delaissant ton Dieu jamais tu ne delaisses, 
II ta laisse sortir de ce monde en sa paix, 
II ta meme rec,u dans son tres saint palais, 
Pour y jouir tout saint de ces joyes celestes." 

Note 97. 

In April, 1692, Edward Seymour was one of those gentlemen 
who were asked by the exiled King, James, to come over and be 
witnesses to the birth of his second child, which was about to 
take place. 

His Majesty's letter to sundry Lords and others of the Privy 
Council. James R . . . . Whereas our royal predecessors used 
to call such of their Privy Council as could conveniently be had, 
to be witnesses to the birth of their children and whereas we have 
followed their example at the birth of our dearest son James, 
Prince of Wales, though even that precaution was not enough to 
hinder us from the malicious aspersions of those who were resolved 
to deprive us of our royal right. It having now pleased Almighty 
God to give us hopes of further issue, we have thought fit to 
require such of our Privy Council who can come, to attend us 
here at St. Germains, to be witnesses of the Queen's accouche- 
ment. We therefore signify our pleasure to you, that you come 
with all possible haste, the birth bein^ expected to take place 
about the middle of next May. The King of France has given 
his consent that you shall have leave to come, and to return again, 
with all safety. Though the unquiet of the times, the tyranny of 
strangers, and a misled party of our own subjects have brought us 
under the necessity of using this unusual way ; yet we hope it will 
convince the world of the truth and candour of our proceedings, 
to the confusion of our enemies. Dated at our castle of St. 
Germains, 2nd April, 1692, in the eighth year of our reign. 

(State Papers, William and Mary. 4, No. 36.) 

Note 98. 

It seems probable that it was during his time that the castle 
of Berry was burnt down. The following story may not 
seem out of place here, in connection with an alleged ghost 
that was supposed to appear immediately before the death of 
any one in the castle. About a century ago, Dr. Walter 
Karquhar, who was created a baronet in 1790, and who was 
a man of unimpeachable veracity, was staying for a time at 
Torquay, and was one day summoned to Berry Pomeroy pro- 
fessionally. Although a ruin, there still remained two or three 
rooms in which the steward resided with his wife. It was 
the latter who was ill. On the doctor's arrival he was asked 



to remain in the outer apartment while the steward went 
to see if his wife was prepared. " This apartment was large 
and ill-proportioned ; around it ran richly carved panels of oak 
that age had changed to the hue of ebony. The only light 
in the room was admitted through the chequered panes of a 
gorgeously stained window, in which were emblazoned the arms 
of the former Lords of Berry Pomeroy. In one corner, to the 
right of the wide fireplace, was a flight of dark oaken steps, 
forming part of a staircase leading apparently to some chamber 
above." Whilst the Doctor was waiting, the door opened, and a 
richly dressed lady entered the room. The doctor, thinking it 
was some visitor, rose and made a step forward, but the lady paid 
no attention to him, but hurried across the room, wringing her 
hands, and evidently in the greatest distress. Arriving at the 
foot of the stairs, she paused a moment and then hurried up them. 
As she reached the highest stair the light fell strongly on her 
features, and displayed a young and beautiful countenance, but, 
to use the doctor's own words, "if ever human face exhibited 
agony and remorse ; if ever eye, that index of the soul, portrayed 
anguish uncheered by hope, and suffering without interval ; if 
ever features betrayed that within the wearer's bosom there dwelt 
a hell, those features and that being were then present to me." 
Almost immediately afterwards he was called to see the patient, 
whom he found so ill, that he had to give his undivided attention 
to her case. The next day, however, finding her much better, he 
inquired of the steward as to the lady he had seen, and described 
her appearance. The steward became greatly agitated, exclaim- 
ing repeatedly " My poor wife ! " But eventually, becoming 
calmer, he told the doctor that he was sure she would now die, 
and enlightened him as to the history of the apparition so far as 
he knew it. It appears that it was the daughter of a former 
baron of Berry Pomeroy, who had borne a child to her own 
father and strangled it in the room above. He added that he had 
lived about the castle for 30 years, and had never known the 
omen fail and that it had been last seen the day his son was 
drowned. Although the doctor considered his patient much 
better and pronounced that all danger was over, the omen had 
been no mistake and the poor woman died that day. 

Many years afterwards Sir Walter was called upon by a lady 
who came to consult him about her sister who was suffering from 
a severe shock. She explained that during the summer she had 
accompanied her brother and sister to Torquay, whence they 
had driven over one morning to inspect the ruins at Berry 
Pomeroy. The steward they found was ill, and there was some 
difficulty in getting the keys. She herself and her brother had, 
therefore, gone in search of them, leaving their sister in a large 
outer room (apparently, from her description, the same as that 



in which the doctor had before been put). When they returned 
they found their sister in a terrible state of alarm and distress, 
declaring she had seen an apparition (the description of which 
tallied exactly with that formerly seen by Sir Walter). They 
had endeavoured to rally her out of it by expressing their dis- 
belief and laughing at her fears, but their sister only grew worse 
and her state now occasioned them the gravest alarm. In reply 
to a question of Sir Walter's she said that the steward had died 
whilst they were still in the castle. The doctor then said, 
"Madam, I will make a point of seeing your sister immediately, 
but it is no delusion. This I think it proper to state most 
positively and previous to any interview. I, myself, saw the 
same figure under somewhat similar circumstances, and about 
the same hour of the day; and I should decidedly oppose anv 
raillery or incredulity being expressed on the subject in your 
sister's presence." The lady recovered and the apparition was 
never seen again for the old steward was the last person to inhabit 
the castle. 

(A full account of this story is given in u Haunted Homes and 
Family Legends," by J. H. Ingram.) 

Note 99. 

Epitaph of Sir Edward Seymour on the monument at Maiden 
Brauley : — 

Under this marble are deposited the remains 
of Sir Edward Seymour, baronet, late 
of Bury Pomeroy, in the county of 
Devon, and of this place, 
A man of such endowments 
as added lustre to his noble ancestry, 
commanded reverence from his contemporaries, 
and stands the fairest pattern to posterity : 
Being often called to Council, and always chosen in 

(A friend to his Prince, a servant to his country) 
He advised the King with freedom, 
The senate with dignity; 
That senate, the bulwark of the English liberty, 
In which he presided for several years, 
Found his eloquence an advocate, 
His integrity a guardian, 
His vigour a champion for its privileges : 

Nor can any Englishman rejoice 
In that envied portion of his birthright, 
The Habeas-Corpus Act, 



Without gratitude to the ashes of this patriot 
under whose influence 
it became his heritage, 
Born in the year 1633, 
His childhood felt not the calamities, 
Which, in the succeeding; years, 
The spirit of anarchy ana schism 
Spread over the nation. 
His manhood saw the church and monarchy restored, 
And he lived in dutiful obedience to both : 
Loaden with honour, full of years, 
(Amidst the triumph of his country) 
Raised to the highest point of glory, 
By that immortal rrincess, Queen Anne, 
he died 
it the year 

Francis Seymour, Esquire, in just veneration 
For the memory of his illustrious grandfather, 
And in due obedience to the last will and testament 
Of Lieutenant General William Seymour, 
Second son of the deceased Sir Edward, 
Hath caused this monument 
To be erected, 

Note 100. 

The following report is of some interest as throwing a curious 
light upon the times : — Dec. 18, 1712. Report of Sir William 
Wyndham to the Lord High Treasurer on a memorial of 
Lieutenant General Seymour, praying for payment of j£8oo for 
" trophy money" for the Queen's own regiment of foot, from the 
beginning of the reign. In the year 1702, the office of Great 
Wardrobe delivered for the use of the regiment 12 colours, with 
ensign, stave, etc. At the Union there was a warrant for a new 
set of colours, and there was a warrant for two years trophy money 
to General Webb on 7th August last. Dated Whitehall, Dec. 8, 

MINUTED — "Ordered out of the 500,000 li. for civil list* 
but the Oueen will not be at this charge for the future." 

Note ioi. 

Lord Aylesbury to Sir Edward Seymour, October 22, 1 744. 
" Dear Sir, 

" Upon some enquiry that I have made, I am informed that the 



Piercy estate, after Lord Hertford, is to go between Sir Charles 
Wyndham, and Lady B. Smithson, and the Seymour estate where 
the Duke of Somerset pleases, I having lately forced from the 
Duke of Somerset the Seymour's pedigree, I should not I fear, be 
a proper person to be assisting to you in this matter, though I 
would willingly undertake it, and as yet I cannot think upon a 
proper person to help in it. The Duke has two daughters by this 
Duchess, the eldest I believe about seventeen, and a fine young 
woman she is, brought up by a very good mother. The Duke has 
acquired about ^4,000 a year in Cambridgeshire, and his personal 
estate in money, plate, and reversion leases, which here and in the 
north are very considerable, will probably be left between his 
daughters. Now my thought upon this is, that probably the 
Duke might like of a match between your son and his eldest 
daughter, considering your son after you will now certainly be 
Duke of Somerset. Were the Duke dead I should have no 
difficulty in moving the affair to the Duchess, who is, by my first 
marriage, my near relation, and one that I have been upon very 
good terms with several years, but as it may be proper to do some- 
thing in this affair during the Duke's life, the question comes by 
whom it may be most properly put, and I think you will do well to 
advise with your neighbour, Lord Orrery, who, I think, has some 
acquaintance with the Duke. You were saying, when here, that 
Lord O. had thoughts of coming to town this way and so we to 
come together thither. Now if you and Lord O. would come- 
together hither the Thursday morning or night before the 
Parliament meeting, my wife and we three might come to Londcn 
together in my coach, and then we might at leisure talk over this 
affair, and which, if you think proper, you may talk over with 
Lord O. now upon your receipt of this, and let me know your 
thoughts by the bearer. If he be back thither on Thursdav 
night will clo. Should you like of my thought as to the match, 
which seems to me a right and a probable thing, I may be doin^ 
something towards it between this and our going to London. 
S "lam.Sir, S b 

" Your affectionate humble servant, 

" Aylesbury." 

(Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by 1 ith Duke of Somerset.) 
Note 102. 

The Duke of Somerset to the Earl of Hertford. 

u December 4, 1767. 

" My dear lord, 

" I should indeed be very happy to pay my duty to His Majes: , 
and to show my respect to your lordship and the Duke of Grafto' , 



by appearing next Tuesday in the House of Lords and giving my 
approbation to the measures of Government ; nor should mv 
present state of health, which is but indifferent (being indisposed 
with a cold that has brought on another complaint) prevent a 
journey to town for that purpose ; but your lordship knows there 
is an invincible obstacle in my way, which however weak it may 
seem, my consitution will not suffer me to get over, sensible I am, 
that it deprives me of most of the comforts of life, as well as the 
advantages of my rank and situation ; for whilst houses for 
inoculation are open to the great avenues to the town, and people 
with the small pox on them are suffered to walk about the street 
it is scarce possible in my apprehension, to escape infection ; nay 
in the House of Lords itself, filled as it is generally with strangers 
on days of great debate. I should be afraid of meeting some of 
Mr. Sutton's patients, who may be hardy enough to venture even 
thither. This practice cannot I hope continue long (for if 
the law does not sooner interpose to prevent it there must be 
wanting subjects to inoculate very soon, I should imagine) but 
whilst it does continue I must be considered to solicit a retirement. 
Was it possible to persuade me out of my fears, you lordship would 
have power to do it, and my own inclinations on occasions like 
these would strongly second your arguments ; but there is no 

fetting the better of nature, arid this particular sort of dread is so 
eeply rooted in me, that 1 despair of its ever being eradicated. 
I hope a single content or not content whichever goes with adminis- 
tration will not be essential if the question be agitated in a 
committee, and if it be in the House your lordship will make my 
proxy as much use as my personal presence. 

" I must therefore beg your lordship to make my excuses for 
me, to whom ever it may be necessary, and as my apology is 
founded in truth, I am certain you will have no objection to take 
upon you the charge. 

" I am, my dear lord, with the greatest 
respect and esteem, 

11 Your lordship's truly affectionate 

" Somerset." 

The Duke of Somerset to the Earl of Hertford, Feb. 9, 1771. 

" My Dear Lord, — I am this day favoured with your commands 
of the 7th instant, and should be very happy to pay my duty to 
His Majesty, by appearing next Thursday in the House of Lords, 
and giving my approbation to the measures of Government, could 
I think it wanted my support, but as numbers for administration 
are so great, and opposition so weak, I conceive you will have at 
least three, if not five, to one for peace, therefore I must beg your 



Lordship to make my excuse to whomever it may concern, that I 
may not take so unnecessary a journey at this severe season, and 
especially too as inoculations are so ripe. My best respects attend 
your family and I remain, My Dear Lord, with the greatest esteem 
and regard, your Lordship's affectionate cousin and faithful servant, 

" Somerset." 

(Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

Note 103. 
Lord Shelburne to the Duke of Somerset. 

Lord Shelburne presents his compliments to the Duke of 
Somerset, and has the pleasure to acquaint His Grace that His 
Majesty has been pleased to confirm to His Grace a pension of 
£1,200 a year, notwithstanding the great difficulties necessarilv 
occasioned by the reform of the Civil List expenditure. 

teb. 25th, 1783. 

The Duke of Somerset to Lord Shelburne. 

The Duke of Somerset presents his most respectful compliments 
to Lord Shelburne, is greatly obliged to His Lordship for his 
polite card of the 25th instant (which is this moment come to 
hand) and hopes His Lordship will communicate to His Majestv 
his Grace's humble duty and thanks for his great goodness in 
confirming to him a pension. And that Lord Shelburne will be 
pleased to accept of his Grace's best thanks for the good offices 
he makes no doubt but his Lordship has done him on the occasion. 
When his Grace's health will permit he will take the first oppor- 
tunity of paying his respects in person. 

Feb. 27th, 1783. 
(Corresp. of the Seymours, coll. by nth Duke of Somerset.) 

2 G 




Articles of High Treason and other misdemeanors against the 
King's Majesty and his Crown, objected to Sir Thomas Seymour, 
knight, Lord Seymour of Sudley and High Admiral of England : — 

1 . Whereas the Duke of Somerset was made Governor of the 
King's Majesty's person and the Protector of all his realms and 
Dominions, and subject to the which you yourself did agree, and 
gave your consent in writing, it is objected and] laid unto your 
charge. That this notwithstanding you have attempted and gone 
about, by indirect means, to undo this order, and to get into 
your hands the Government of the King's Majesty, to the great 
danger of his Highness's person, and the subversion of the state 
of the realm. 

2. That by corrupting with gifts and fair promises, divers of 
the Privy chamber, you went about to allure his Highness to 
condescend and agree to the same your most heinous and perilous 
purposes, to the great danger of his Highness's person, and of 
the subversion of the state of the realm. 

3. That you wrote a letter with your own hand, which letter 
the King's Majesty should have subscribed or written again after 
that copy to the Parliament House, and that you delivered the 
same to his Highness for that intent, with the which so written 
by his Highness, or subscribed you have determined to have come 
into the Commons house yourself ; and there with your factors 
and adherents before prepared, to have made a broil or tumult, or 
uproar, to the great danger of the King's Majesty's person and 
subversion of the state of this realm. 

4. That you yourself spake to divers of the Council, and 
laboured with divers of the nobility of the realm, to stick and 
adhere unto you for the alteration of the state and order of the 
realm, and to attain your other purposes, to the danger of the 
King's Majesty's person now in his tender years and subversion 
of the state of the realm. 



5. That you did say openly and plainly, that you would make 
the blackest Parliament that ever was in England. 

6. That being sent for by the authority, to answer to such 
things as were thought meet to be reformed in you, you refused 
to come j to a very evil example of disobedience, and danger 
thereby, of the subversion of the state of the realm. 

7. That since the last session of this Parliament, notwith- 
standing much clemency shewed unto you, you have still con- 
tinued in your former mischievous purposes ; and continually, by 
yourself and others, studied and laboured to put into the King s 
Majesty's head and mind, a misliking of the Government of the 
realm, and of the Lord Protector's doings, to the danger of his 
person and the great peril of the realm. 

8. That the King's Majesty being of these tender years, and 
as yet by age unable to direct his own things, you have gone about 
to instil into his Grace's head and as much as lieth in you, per- 
suaded him, to take upon himself the Government and management 
of his own affairs to the danger of His Highness's person and 
great peril of the whole of the realm. 

9. That you had fully intended and appointed, to have taken 
the King's Majesty's person into your own hands and custody to 
the danger of his subjects and peril of the realm. 

10. That you have corrupted with money certain of the Privy 
chamber, to persuade the King unjustly to have a credit towards 
you, and so to insinuate you to his Grace that when he lacked 
anything, he should have it of you, and none other body, to the 
intent he should mislike his ordering, and that you might the 
better, when you saw time, use the King's Highness for an In- 
strument to this purpose, to the danger of his royal person and 
subversion of the state of the realm. 

11. That you promised the marriage of the King's Majesty at 
your will and pleasure. 

12. That you have laboured, and gone about to combine and 
confederate yourself with some persons, and especially moved those 
noblemen, whom you thought not to be contented, to depart into 
their countries and make themselves strong ; and otherwise to 
allure them to serve your purposes by gentle promises and offers 
to have a party and faction in readiness to all your purposes, to the 
danger of the King's Majesty and person and peril of the state of 
the realm. 

13. That you parted, as it were, in your imagination and 
interest, the realm to set noblemen to countervail such other noble- 

2 G 2 



men, as you thought would let your devilish purposes, and so 
laboured to be strong to all your devices ; to the great danger of 
the King's Majesty s person and great peril of the state of the 

14. That you had advised certain men to entertain and win the 
favour and good will of the head yeomen and ringleaders of certain 
countries to the intent that they might bring the multitude and 
commons when you should think meet to the furtherance of your 

15. That you have not only studied and imagined how to have 
the rule of a number 'of men in your hands, but that you have 
attempted to get, also gotten divers stewardships of noblemen's 
lands and their mannoreds to make your party stronger for your 
purposes aforesaid ; to the danger of your King's Majesty's person 
and great peril of the state of the realm. 

16. That you have retained young gentlemen and hired yeomen, 
to a great multitude and far above such number as is permitted by 
the Laws and Statutes of the realm or where otherwise necessary 
or convenient for your service, place or estate, to the fortifying of 
yourself towards all your evil intents and purposes ; to the great 
danger of the King's Majesty and peril of the state of the 

17. That you had so travailed in that matter, that you had 
made yourself able to make, out of your own men, out of your 
lands and rules and other your adherents ten thousand men besides 
your friends to the advancement of all your intents and purposes ; 
to the danger of the King's Majesty's person and the great peril 
of the state of the realm. 

18. That you had conferred, cast, and weighed so much money 
as would find the said ten thousand men for a month ; and that 
you knew how and where to have the same sum j and that you 
had given warning to have and prepare the said mass of money in 
readiness, to the danger of the King's Majesty's person j and great 
peril to the state of the realm. 

19. That you have not only before you married the Queen 
attempted and gone about to marry the King's Majesty's sister, the 
Lady Elizabeth, second Inheritor "in remainder to the Crown, but 
also being then lett by the Lord Protector, and others of the 
Council since that time, both in the life of the Queen continued 
your own labour and love and after her death by secret and crafty 
means practised to achieve the said purpose of marrying the said 
Lady Elizabeth to the danger of the King's Majesty's person ; and 
great peril to the state of the same. 



20. That you married the late Queen so soon after the late 
King's death that if she had conceived straight after it should have 
been great doubt whether the child born should have been ac- 
counted the late King's or yours, whereupon a marvellous danger 
and peril might, and was like to have ensued to the King's 
Majesty's succession and quiet of the realm. 

21. That you first married the Queen privately and did dis- 
semble and keep close the same insomuch that a good space after 
you had married her, you made labour to the King's Majesty and 
obtained a letter of his Majesty's hand to move and require the 
said Queen to marry with you ; and likewise required the Lord 
Protector to speak to the Queen to bear her your favour towards 
marriage ; by which colouring not only your evil and dissembling 
nature may be known, but also it is to be feared that at this pre- 
sent you did intend to use the same practice in the marriage of the 
Lady Elizabeth's grace. 

22. That you not only, so much as lay in you, did stop and lett 
all such things as either by Parliament or otherwise, should tend 
to the advancement of the King's Majesty's affairs but did with- 
draw yourself from the King's Majesty's service ; and being moved 
and spoken unto for your own honour, and for the ability that 
was in you to serve and aid the King's Majesty's affairs and the 
Lord Protector's, you would always draw back and feign excuses 
and declare plainly that you would not do it. Wherefore upon 
the discourse of all these aforesaid things and of divers others, it 
must needs be intended that all these preparations of men and 
money, the attempts and secret practices of the said marriage : the 
abusing and persuading the King's Majesty to mislike the Govern- 
ment, state, and order of the realm that now is, and to take the 
Government into his own hands, and to credit you and to none 
other end and purpose but after a little gotten to the Crown and 
your party made strong both by sea ana land with furniture of 
men and money sufficient to have aspired to the Dignity Royal by 
some heinous enterprise against the King's Majesty's' person, to 
the subversion of the whole state of the realm. 

23. That you not only had gotten into your hands the strong 
and dangerous Isles of Scilly bought of divers men; but that so 
much as lay in your power you travailed also to have Londay, and 
under pretence to have victualled the ships therewith, not only 
went about, but also moved the Lord Protector, and whole 
Council, that you might by publick authority, have that, which by 
private fraud and falsehood, and confederating with Sharington 
you had gotten ; that is the Mint of Bristol to be vours only and 
to serve your purposes, casting, as may appear, that if these traitor- 
ous purposes had no good success, yet you might thither convey 



a good mass of money j where being aided with ships and con- 
spiring at all evil events with pirates you might at all times have a 
sure and safe refuge if any thing for your demerits should have 
been attempted against you. 

24. That having notice that Sir Wm. Sharington, knight, had 
committed treason and otherwise wonderfully defrauded and de- 
ceived the King's Majesty, nevertheless you both by yourself and 
by seeking counsel for him and by all means you could, did aid, 
assist, and bear him contrary to your allegiance and duty to the 
King's Majesty and the good laws and orders of the realm. 

25. That where you owed to Sir Wm. Sharington, knight, a good 
sum of money yet to abet bear and cloak the great falsehood of the 
said Sharington, and to defraud the King's Majesty, you were not 
afraid to say and affirm before the Lord Protector and the Council 
that the same Sharington did owe unto you a great sum of money, 
viz., two thousand eight hundred pounds, and to conspire with 
him in that falsehood and take a bill of that feigned debt into your 

26. That you by yourself and ministers have not only extorted 
and bribed great sums of money of all such ships as should go into 
Island, but also as should go any other where in merchandize con- 
trary to the liberty of this realm, and to the great discouragement 
and destruction of the Navy of the same to the great danger of the 
King's Majesty and the state of the realm. 

27. That when divers merchants as well strangers as English- 
men have had their goods piratously robbed and taken, you have 
had their goods in your hands and custody daily seen in your 
house and distributed amongst your servants and friends without 
any restitution to the parties so injured and spoiled, so that thereby 
foreign Princes have in a manner been weary of the King's 
Majesty's unity and by their Ambassadors divers times complained ; 
to the great slander of the King's Majesty and danger of the state 
of the realm. 

28. That where certain men have taken certain pirates, you have 
not only taken from the takers of the said pirates all the goods and 
ships so taken without any reward, but have cast said takers for 
their good service done to the King's Majesty into prison, and 
there detained them a good time ; some eight weeks, some more, 
some less, to the discouraging of such as truly should serve the 
King's Majesty against his pirates and enemies. 

29. That divers of the head pirates being brought in to you, you 
have let the same pirates go again free unto the seas, and taken 
away from the takers of them not only all their commodity and 



profit, but from the true owners of the ships and goods all such 
that ever came into the pirates hands as though you were autho- 
rized to be the chief pirate, and to have had all the advantages they 
could bring unto you. 

30. That where order hath been taken by the Lord Protector 
and the whole Council that certain goods particularly taken upon 
the seas and otherwise known not to be wreck nor forfeited should 
be restored to the true owners, and letters thereupon written by 
the Lord Protector and the Council, to the which letters you 
yourself among the other did set to your hand, yet you this not- 
withstanding have given commandment to your officers that no 
such letters should be obeyed ; and written your private letters to 
the contrary commanding the said goods not to be restored, but 
kept to your own use and profit, contrary to your own hand before 
in the Council chamber written, and contrary to your duty and 
allegiance and to the perilous example of others ancl great slander 
and danger of the realm. 

31. That where certain strangers which were friends and allies 
to the King's Majesty had their ships with the wind and weather 
broken and yet came unwrecked to the shore ; when the Lord 
Protector in Council had written for the restitution of the said 
goods as might, you yourself subscribing and consenting thereto, 
yet notwithstanding you have not only given contrary command- 
ment to your officers but as a pirate have written letters to some of 
your friends to help, that as much of these goods as they could 
should be conveyed away secretly by night farther off upon hope that 
if the said goods were assured the owners would make no further 
labour for them, and then you might have enjoyed them, contrary 
to justice and your honour, and to the great slander of this realm. 

32. That you have not only disclosed the King's Majesty's 
secret Council, but also where you yourself, among the rest, have 
consented and agreed to certain things for the advancement of the 
King's affairs, you have spoken and laboured against the same. 

33. That your Deputy Steward and other your ministers of the 
Holt, in the county of Denbigh, have now against Christmas last 
past at the said Holt made such provision of the wheat, malt, beefs 
and other such things as be necessary for the sustenance of a great 
number of men, making also by all means possible a great mass of 
money insomuch that all the country doth marvel at it, and the 
more because your servants have spread rumours abroad that the 
King's Majesty was dead, whereupon the country is in a great maze, 
doubt, and expectation, looking for some broil, and would have 
been more if at this present by your apprehension it had not been 



The names of the fortresses, abbeys, frere-houses, market towns, 
villages, towres, and places brent, raced, and cast downe by the 
commandment of Therll of Hertforde, the King's Majestie's 
Lieutenant Generall in the North partes, in the invasion into the 
realm of Scotland, between the 8th of Sept. and the 23d of the 
same 1 545, the 37th yeare of the King's Royall Majestie's moste 
prousperous and victorious reigne. 

On the River of Twede. 

First the abbey of Kelso, raced and cast down ; the towne of 
Kelso brent ; the abbey of Melrosse alias Mewrose, Darnyck, 
Gawtenside, Danyelton, Overton, Heildon, Newton of Heildon, 
Maxton, Lafeddon, Marton, Beamondside, Loughefeatte, Bateshele, 
the abbey of Drybrughe, the town of Drybrughe, the towre of 
Dawcowe raced. The towne of Dawcowe, R other ford, Stocks- 
trother, Newtowne, Trowes, Makerston, the Manorhill, Charter- 
house, Lugton Lawe, Stotherike towre raced ; East Meredean, 
West Meredean, Flowres, Gallowe Lawe, Broxe Lawe, Broxe 
Mylne, the Water-mill of Kelso. Sum 33. 

On the River of Tiviot. 

The Freers nere Kelso, the Larde Hog's House, the Barnes of 
Old Rockesborough, Towne, the towre of Rockesborough raced, 
the towre of Ormeston raced, the towne of Ormeston, Neyther 
Nesebett, Over Nesbet, Angeram Spittell, Bune, Jedworth, the 
two towres of Bune Jedworth raced, the Lard of Bune Jedworth's 
dwellinghouse, Over Angeram, Neyther Angeram, East Barnehill, 
Mynto Crag, Mynto Towne and Place, West Mynto, the Cragge 
End, Whitrick, Hessington, Bankhessington, Overhassington, 
Cotes, Esshebanke, Cavers, Bryeryards, Densome, Rowcastle, 
Newtowne, Whitchester-house, Tympinton. Sum 36. 

On the Water of Rowle. 

Rowle Spittel, Bedrowle, Rowlewood. The Wolles, Crosse- 
bewghe, Donnerles, Fotton, Weast Leas. Two Walke Mylnes, 
Tromyhill, Dupligis. Sum 12. 



On the Ryver of Jedde. 

The abbey of Jedworthe, the Freers there ; the towne of Jed- 
worthe, Hundylee, Bungate ; the Banke End, the Neyther Mylnes, 
Houston, Over Craling, the Wells, Neyther Craling, 'Over 
Wodden, Neyther Wodden. Sum 13. 

On the Ryver of Kealle in East Tividale. 

Over-Hownam, Neyther Hownam, Hownam Kyrke, Newe 
Gateshaughe ; the towre of Gateshaughe, Over Grobet, Neyther 
Grobet j Grobet Mylne, Wydeopen, Crewkedshawes, Prymside, 
Mylne Rigge, Marbottell, Otterburne, Cesforthe, Overwhitton, 
Neyther Whitton, Hatherlands, Cesforth Borne, Ces forth, Maynes, 
Mowe-house ; the Cowe Bogge, Lynton, Caverton, Sharpesrige, 
Throgdon, Pringle Stede, the Maynehouse, Eckeforde, Mossc 
house, Westerbarnes, Grymesley, Synles, Heyton on the Hill, 
Newe Hawe, Massendewe ; the Brig End, St. Thomas Chap- 
pell, Maxwell Hughe, East-Woddon, West-Woddon, Howdcn. 
bum 45. 

On the Ryver of Bowbent in East Tividale. 

Mowc, Mowe Meusles, Clifton Cote, Colerostc, Elshcnghe, 
Awton Barne, Cowe, Woodsidc, Owesnopsidc, Feltershawes, 
Clifton, Hailhope, Kirke Yettam, Towne Yettam, Cherytrcs, 
Barears ; the Bogge, Longhouse, Fowmerden. Sum 19. 

Hcales Parish. In the Marsse. 

Long Ednam, Little Newton, Newton Mylnc, Nayncthorne, 
Nayncthorne Mylnc, Over Stytchell, Nether Stichcll, Cownge- 
carle, Lagers Morrc, Oxcmoure, Kcnetsidc, Myckell Harlc, Lytell 
Harle, Hassyngton, Hassyngton Maynes, Landen, Hardacres, 
Stanefawde ; the abbey of Hecles, the towne there ; Newtowne, 
Heclesheales, Grafton Rig, Pittelesheugh, Overplewland, Nether 
Plewland, Over Tofts, Nether Tofts, Clerkeleas, Headrigge, Pud- 
dingran, Howden, Marsington, and the towre raced, Letam, Bcl- 
clester, Boughtrige, Newbigging, Wranghame, Wester Peles ; the 
Kernes, the Burnehouse, Thankles, Rowyngston, Grymeley Riggc, 
Cowys, Werke, Whinkcrstanes, P^owge Rigge, Foge Bankc, Sir 
James Trennate's House, Ryseley, Bcttriksiue, Elbank. Sum 57. 

Donee Parish. 

Fowgc Towne, Susterpethe, Susterpethe Mylne, Fowge Mylne, 
the walke Myle there, the Hill, the new Mylne, Sleghaen, Easte- 



feld, Hardames, Stanemore Lawe ; the Biers, Wodehede, Cawdeside, 
Lownesdale ; the towre of Red Brayes raced, the towre of Pollerd 
raced, Pollerd Towne, Pollerwood, the Bow-House, Selburne 
Rigge, Stocke Fote ; the towres and barmekyn of Nesbed raced, 
the towre of Nesbed, Nesbed Hill, Crongle, Cawedrawe, the 
Brigend, Gretrig, Growell Dikes ; the towre of Dunce raced, 
Dounce Lawe, Knocke ; the towne of Dounce, Hare Lawe, Bor- 
ticke, East Bortick, Parkehed, Cawdefide, Black Dikes, Brykenside, 
Kaydesheale, Redheughe, Manderston, Nanewarre, Elfoyle, Cro- 
mersteyn, Kawkey Lawe, Sampson's Walles ; the Brigg end, the 
Check Lawe, Dounce Mylne, the East Maynes. Sum 52. 

The castell of Wetherburne, Mongouse Towre, Pele Rigge, 
Kemergeyme, Kemergeyme Maynes, Redheughe, Redes House, 
Godds Malisone ; the East Mylne, the Kellawe, Edrame ; the 
newe Towne, Blackoter Castell raced ; the Twyne of Blacketer, 
White Lawe, East Lawes, West Lawes, Swynton, and Whitsonne. 
Sum 20. 

Sum Total 287. 



Articles objected to the Duke of Somerset. 

1. That he took upon himself the office of Protector upon 
express condition that he should do nothing in the King's affair 
but by assent of the late King's executors or the greatest part of 

2. That contrary to this condition he did hinder justice and 
subvert laws of his own authority as well by letters as by other 

3. That he caused divers persons, arrested and imprisoned for 
treason, murder, manslaughter, and felony, to be discharged against 
the laws and statutes of the realm. 

4. That he appointed Lieutenants for armies, and other officers 
for the weighty affairs of the King under his own writing and 

5. That he communed with Ambassadors of other realms alone 
of the weighty matters of the realm. 

6. That he would taunt and reprove divers of the King's most 
honourable Councillors for declaring their advice in the King's 
weighty affairs against his opinion, sometimes telling them that they 
were not worthy to sit in Council, and sometimes that he need not 
to open weighty matters to them, and that if they were not agree- 
able to his opinion, he would discharge them. 

7. That against law he held a court of request in his own house, 
and did force divers to answer there for their freehold and goods 
and did determine of the same. 

8. That being no officer without the advice of the Council or 
most part of them, he did dispose offices of the King's gift for 
money, grant leases and wards and presentations of Benefices per- 
taining to the King ; gave Bishopricks and made sale of the King's 

9. That he commanded alchymy and multiplication to be 
practised, thereby to abase the King's coin. 

10. That divers times he openly said, the nobility and gentry 



were the only cause of dearth, whereupon the people rose to 
reform matters of themselves. 

If. That against the minds of the whole Council he caused 
Proclamation to be made concerning inclosures, whereupon the 
people made divers insurrections and destroyed many of the King's 

12. That he sent forth a commission with articles annexed, 
concerning inclosures, commons, highways, cottages, and such 
like matters, giving the Commissioners authority to bear and 
determine those causes whereby the laws and statutes of the realm 
were subverted and much rebellion raised. 

13. That he suffered rebels to assemble and lie armed in camp 
against the nobility and gentry of the realm, without speedy 
repressing of them. 

14. That he did comfort and encourage divers rebels by giving 
them money and by promising them fees, rewards, and services. 

15. That he caused a Proclamation to be made against law and 
in favour of the rebels, that none of them should be vexed or sued 
by any for their offences in their rebellion. 

16. That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the 
actions of the rebels ; and that the avarice of gentlemen gave 
occasion for the people to rise, and that it was better for them to 
die than to perish for want. 

17. That he said the Lords of the Parliament were loth to 
reform inclosures and other things, therefore the people had a good 
cause to reform them themselves. 

18. That after declaration of the defaults of Bulloign (Bologne), 
and the pieces there, by such as did survey them, he would never 
amend the same. 

19. That he would not suffer the King's pieces of Newhaven 
and Blackness, to be furnished with men and provision ; albeit he 
was advertized of the defaults and advised thereto by the King's 
Council ; whereby the French King was emboldened to attempt 
upon them. 

20. That he would neither attempt authority nor suffer noble- 
men and gentlemen to suppress rebels in time convenient ; but 
wrote to them to speak the rebels fair, and use them gently. 

21. That upon the 5th of October, the present year, at Hamp- 
ton Court for defence of his own private causes he procured 
seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands, and secretly to be 



dispersed into divers parts of the realm ; beginning thus : " Good 
people," intending thereby to raise the King s subjects to rebellion 
and open war. 

22. That the King's Privy Council did consult at London to 
come to him and move him to reform his government ; but he, 
hearing of their assembly, declared by his letters in divers places 
that they were high traitors to the King. 

23. That he declared untruly as well to the King, as to the other 
young Lords attending his person ; that the Lords at London 
intended to destroy the King; and desired the King never to 
forget but to revenge it ; and lie desired the young Lords to put 
the King in remembrance thereof with intent to make sedition 
and discord between the King and his nobles. 

24. That at divers times and places, he said "The Lords of 
the Council at London intended to kill me; but if I die, the King 
shall die; and if they famish me, they shall famish him." 

25. That of his own head he removed the King so suddenly 
from Hampton Court to Windsor, without any provision there 
made that he was thereby not only in great fear, but cast thereby 
into a dangerous disease. 

26. That by his letters he caused the King's people to assemble 
in great numbers in armour, after the manner of war, to his aid 
and defence. 

27. That he caused his servants and friends at Hampton Court 
and Windsor to be apparelled in the King's armour, when the 
King's servants and guards went unarmed. 

28. That he caused at Windsor, his own person in the night- 
time to be guarded in harness by many persons leaving the King's 
Majesty's person unguarded and would not suffer his own guard 
and servants to be next the King's person, but appointed his 
servants and friends to keep the gates. 

29. That he intended to fly to Jersey or Wales and laid post 
horses, and men, and a boat to that purpose. 



The Honourable Entertainment given to the Queen's Majesty in 
Progress, at Elvetham, Hampshire, by the Right Honorable 
the Earl of Hertford, 1 59 1. 

(London, Printed by John Wolfe, and are to be sold at the little 
shop over against the great South door of Paules, 1591.) 

The Proeme. 

Before I declare the inst time or manner of Her Majesty's 
arrival and entertainment at Elvetham, it is needful (for the 
Reader's better understanding of every part and process of my 
discourse) that I set down as well the convenience of the place, as 
also the sufficing, by art and labour, of what the place in itself 
could not afford on the suddain, for receipt of so great a Majesty, 
and so honorable a train. 

Elvetham House being situated in a park but of two miles in 
compass or thereabouts, and of no great receipt, as being none of 
the Earl's chief mansion houses; yet for the desire he had to show 
his unfained love, and loyal duty, to her most gracious Highness, 
purposing to visit him in this her late progress, whereof he had to 
understand by the ordinary Gesse, as also by his honorable good 
friends in Court, near to Her Majesty : his Honour with all expe- 
dition set artificers to work to the number of three hundred many 
days before Her Majesty's arrival, to enlarge his house with new 
rooms and offices. Whereof I omit to speak how many were 
destined to the offices of the Queen's household, and will only 
make mention of other such buildings, as were raised on the 
sudden, fourteen score off from the house on a hillside, within the 
said park, for entertainment of nobles, gentlemen, and others 

First there was made a room of Estate for the nobles, and at the 
end thereof a withdrawing room for Her Majesty. The outsides of 
the walls were all covered with boughs, and clusters of ripe hazel 
nuts, the insides with Arras, the roofs of the place with works of 
ivy leaves, the floor with sweet herbs and green rushes. 

Near adjoining unto this, were many offices new builded ; as 
namely, Spicerie, Larderie, Chaundrie, Wine-seller, Ewery, and 
Panterie : all of which were tiled. 

Not far off, was erected a large hall, for the entertainment of 
knights, ladies and gentlemen of chief account. 



There was also a several place for Her Majesty's footmen and 
their friends. 

Then there was a long Bower for Her Majesty's guard ; another 
for other officers of Her Majesty's house ; another to entertain all 
comers, suitors, and such like ; another for my Lord's Steward to 
keep his table in ; another for his gentlemen that waited. 

Most of these aforesaid rooms were furnished with tahles ) and the 
tables carried 23 yards in length. 

Moreover on the same hill, there was raised a great common 
buttery j a pitcher house; a large pastery, with five ovens new 
built, some of them fourteen foot deep; a great kitchen with four 
ranges, and a boiling place for small boiled meats ; another kitchen 
with a very long range, for the roast, to serve all comers ; a 
boiling house for the great boiler ; a room for the scullery ; 
another room for the cook's lodgings. 

Some of these were covered with canvass and some with boards. 
Between my Lord's house and the foresaid hill, where these rooms 
were raised, there had been made in the bottom by handy labour, a 
goodly pond, cut to the perfect figure of a half moon. In this 
pond were three notable grounds (islands ?), where hence to 
present H. Majesty with sports and pastimes. The first was a 
ship isle of ico feet in length, and 40 feet broad, bearing three 
trees orderly set for 3 masts. The second was a fort 20 feet 
square every way, and overgrown with willows. The third and 
last was a Snayl mount, rising to four circles of green privet 
hedges, the whole in height 20 feet, and 40 feet broad at the 
bottom. These three places were equally distant from the sides of 
the pond, and every one by an inst measured proportion distant 
from the others. In the said water were divers boats prepared for 
musick ; but especially there was a pinnace, full furnished with 
masts, yards, sails, anchors, cables, and all other ordinary tackling ; 
and with iron pieces ; & lastly with flags, streamers, and pendants, 
to the number of twelve, all painted with divers colours and 
sundry devices. To what use these particulars served, it shall 
evidently appear by that which followeth. 

The first day 's entertainment. 

On the 20th day of Sept. being Monday, my Lord of Hertford 
joyfully expecting Her Majesty's coming to Eivethain to supper, 
as Her Highness had promised : after dinner, when every other 
needful place or point of offernice was established and set in order, 
for so great an entertainment, about three of the clock his Honor, 
seeing all his retinue well mounted and ready to attend his pleasure, 
he drew them secretly into a chief thicket of the park, where in 
few words, but well couched to the purpose, he put them in mind 



what quietness, and what diligence, or other duty they were to 
use at that present : 

This done, my Lord with his train (amounting to the number 
of 300 and most of them wearing chains of gold about their 
necks, and in their hats yellow and black feathers) met with Her 
Majesty two miles off, then coming to Elvetham from her own 
house of Odiham, four miles from thence. As my Lord in this 
first action shewed himself dutiful, so Her Majesty was to him 
and his most gracious, as also in the sequel between 5 and 6 of 
the clock, when her Highness, being most honorably attended, 
entered into Elvetham park, and was more than half way between 
the park gate and the house, a Poet saluted her with a Latin oration 
in heroical verse, I mean veridicus vates, a sooth-saying poet, 
nothing inferior for truth, and little for dilineary of his mind, to an 
ordinary orator. This Poet was clad in green, to signify the joy 
of his thoughts at her entrance, a laurel garland on his head to 
express that Apollo was [patron of his studies : an olive branch in 
his hand to declare what continual peace and plenty he did both 
wish and assure Her Majesty : and lastly booted to betoken that 
he was vates cottiurnatus, and not a loose and love creeping 
Prophet, as poets are interpreted by some idle or envious igno- 

This Poet's boy offered him a cushion at his first kneeling to 
Her Majesty, but he refused it, saying as followeth (this oration 
being entirely in Latin, I put forward a very fair English transla- 
tion of it, in place of the original) : — 

The Poet to his boy offering him a cushion. 

" Now let us use no cushions but fair hearts : 
For now we kneel to more than usual Saints." 

The Poet's speech to Her Majesty. 

" While at the fountain of the sacred hill 
Under Apollo's lute, I sweetly slept, 
'Mongst prophets full posse'd of holy fury, 
And with true virtue, void of all disdain 
The Muses sung, and wak'd me withese words. 

* Seest thou that English nymph, in face and shape 
Resembling some great Goddess, and whose beams 
Do sprinkle heav'n with unacquainted light, 
While she doth visit Seymour's friendless house, 
As Jupiter did honour with his presence 
The poor thatch'd cottage where Philamon dwelt ? 
See thou salute her with an humble voice ; 
Phcebus, and we, will let thee lack no verses. 



But dare not once aspire to touch her praise, 
Who like the sun for show, to God's for virtue, 
Fills all with majesty, and holy fear. 
More learned than ourselves, she ruleth us : 
More rich thai) seas, she doth command the seas : 
More fair than Nymphs, she governs all the Nymphs, 
More worthy than the Gods, she wins the Gods. 

1 Behold (Augusta) thy poor suppliant 
Is here, at their desire, but they desert. 
O sweet Elisa, grace me with a look 
Or from my brows this laurel wreath will fall, 
And I unhappy die amidst my song. 
Under my person Seymour hides himself, 
His mouth yields prayers, his eye the olive branch ; 
His prayers betoken duty, th' olive peace ; 
His duty argues love, his peace fair rest ; 
His love will smooth your mind, fair rest your body, 
This is your Seymour's heart and quality : 
To whom all things are joys, while thou art present, 
To whom nothing is pleasing, in thine absence. 
Behold on thee how each thing sweetly smiles 
To see thy brightness glad our hemisphere : 
Night only envies : whom fair stars do cross : 
All other creatures strive to shew their joys. 
The crooked-winding kid trips o'er the lawns ; 
The milk-white heifer wantons with the bull ; 
The trees shew pleasure with their quivering leaves, 
The meadow with new grass, the vine with grapes, 
The running brooks with sweet and silver sound. 
Thee, thee, (sweet Princess) heav'n, and earth, and floods, 
Aiid plants, and beasts, salute with one accord : 
And while they gaze on thy perfections, 
Their eye's desire is never satisfied. 
Thy presence frees each thing that liv'd in doubt, 
No seeds now fear the biting of the worm, 
Nor deer the toils, nor glass the parching heat, 
Nor birds the snare, nor corn the storm of hail. 
O Empress, O draw forth these days to years, 
Years to an age, ages to eternity : 
That such as lately joyed to sec our sorrows, 
May sorrow now, to sec our perfect joys. 

1 Behold where all the Graces, virtue's maids, 
And lightfoot Hours, the guardians of heav'ns gate, 
With joined forces do remove those blocks, 
Which Envy laid in Majesty's highway. 

' Come therefore, come under our humble roof, 
And with a beck command what it contains : 

2 II 



For all is thine : each part obeys thy will ; 
Did not each part obey, the whole should perish. 

' Sing songs, fair nymphs, sing sweet triumphal songs, 
Fill ways with flowers, and th' air with harmony.' " 

While the poet was pronouncing this oration, six virgins were 
behind him, busily removing blocks out of Her Majesty's way ; 
which blocks were supposed to be laid there by the person of 
Envy, whose condition is, to envy at every good thing, but 
especially to malice the proceedings of virtue, and the glory of 
true Majesty. Three of these virgins represented the three Graces, 
and the other three the Hours, which by the poets are fained to be 
the guardians of heaven's gates. They were all attired in gowns 
of taffeta sarcenet of divers colours, with flowery garlands on their 
heads and baskets full of flowers and sweet herbs upon their arms. 
When the Poet's speech was happily ended, and in a scroll delivered 
to Her Majesty (for such was her gracious acceptance, that she 
desired to receive it with her own hands) then these six virgins, 
after performance of their humble reverence to her Highness, 
walked on before her towards the house, strewing the way with 
flowers, and singing a sweet song of six parts to this ditty which 
folio weth : — 

The Ditty of the Six Virgins' Song. 

" With fragrant flowers we strew the way 
And make this our chief holiday : 
For though this clime were blest of yore, 
Yet was it never proud before. 

O beauteous Oueen of second Troy, 

Accept of our unfained joy. 

u Now th' air is sweeter than sweet balm, 
And satyrs dance about the palm : 
Now earth with verdure newly dight, 
Gives perfect sign of her delight. 

O beauteous Oueen of second Troy, 
Accept of our unfained joy. 

" Now birds record new harmony, 
And trees do whistle melody : 
Now every thing that nature breeds, 
Doth clad itself in pleasant weeds. 

O beauteous Queen of second Troy, 

Accept of our unfained joy." 

This song ended with Her Majesty's entrance to the house : 
where she had not rested her a quarter of an hour : but from the 
Snail-mount and the Ship-isle in the pond (both being near under 



the prospect of her gallery window) there was a long volley of 
Chambers discharged. After this, supper was served in, first to 

Her Majesty, and then to the nobles and others 

After supper was ended, Her Majesty graciously admitted into 
her presence a notable concert of six musicians, which my Lord of 
Hertford had provided to entertain Her Majesty withall, at her will 
and pleasure, and when it should seem good to her Highness. 
Their music so highly pleased her, that in grace and favour thereof, 
she gave a new name to one of their Pavans, made long since by 
Master Thomas Morley, then organist of Paule's church. 

The Second Days Entertainment. 

On the next day following, being Tuesday, and St. Mathew's 
festival, the forenoon was so wet and stormy, that nothing of 
pleasure could be presented Her Majesty. Yet it held up a little 
before dinner time, and all the day after : where otherwise fair 
sports would have been buried in foul weather. 

This day Her Majesty dined with her nobles about her, in the 

room of estate, new builded on the hill side, above the pond's head. 

Presently after dinner, my Lord of Hertford caused a large 
canopie of estate to be set at the pond's head, for Her Majesty to 
sit under and to view some sports prepared in the water. The 
canopie was of green satin, lined with green tafFeta sarcenet ; every 
scam covered with a broad silver lace ; valenced about, and fringed 
with green silk and silver, more than a handbreadth in depth ; sup- 
ported with four silver pillars, moveable ; and decked above head 
with four white plumes, spangled with silver. This canopie beinp; 
upheld by four of my Lord's chief gentlemen, and tapestry spread 
all about the pond's head, Her Majesty about 4 of the clock came 
and sat under it, to expect the issue of some device, being advertised 
that there was some such thing towards. 

At the further end of the pond, there was a Bower, close built 
to the brink thereof ; out of which there went a pompous array of 
sea persons, which waded breast high, or swam, till they approached 
near the seat of Her Majesty. Nereus, the prophet of the sea, 
attired in red silk and having a cornered cap on his curled head, did 
swim before the rest, as their pastor and guide. After him came 
five Tritons breast high in the water, all with grizly heads, and 
beards of divers colours and fashions, and all five cheerfully sounding 
their trumpets. After them went two other Gods of the sea 
Neptune and Oceanus, leading between them that pinnace whereof 
I spake in the beginning of this treatise. 

In the pinnace were three virgins, which with their cornets 
played Scottish jigs, made three parts in one. There was also in 
the said pinnace another nymph of the sea, named Necera, the old 

2 11 2 



supposed love of Sylyanus, a god of the woods. Near to her were 
placed three excellent voices, to sing to one lute, and in two other 
boats hard by, other lutes and voices to answer by manner of echo : 
after the pinnace, and two other boats, which were drawn after it 
by other sea-gods, the rest of the train followed breast high in the 
water, all attired in ugly marine suits, and every one armed with a 
huge wooden squirt in his hand ; to what end it shall appear here- 
after. In their marching towards the pond, all along the middle 
of the current, the Tritons sounded one half of the way, and then 
they ceasing, the Cornets played their Scottish jigs. The melody 
was sweet and the show stately. 

* * Hft * % 

In the pinnace were two jewels to be presented to Her Majesty 
by Nereus and Neoera. The fort in the pond was crowded with 
armed men. The Snail-mount resembled some monster, having 
horns full of wild-fire continually burning. The God Silvanus 
was lying not far off, with his train, waiting for his opportunity to 
emerge from 'the wood and present Her Majesty with a holly 
scutchion, wherein Apollo had long since written her praises. 

All this remembered and considered, I now return to the sea- 
gods, who having under the conduct of Nereus brought the pin- 
nace near before her Majesty, Nereus made his oration as 
folio weth ; but before he began, he made a private sign unto one 
of his train, which was gotten up into the Ship-isle, directly before 
her Majesty, and he presently did cast himself down, doing a 
summerset from the isle into the water, and then swam to his 

The Oration of Nereus to Her Majesty. 

" Fair Cynthia the wide Ocean's Empress 
I watery Nereus hovered on the coast 
To greet your Majesty with this my train 
Of dancing Tritons, and shrill singing nymphs. 
But all in vain : Elisa was not there ; 
For which our Neptune grieved, and blamed the star, 
Whose thwarting influence dash'd our longing hope. 
Therefore impatient, that this worthless earth 
Should bear your Highness's weight, and we sea Gods, 
(Whose jealous waves have swallowed up your foes, 
And to your realm are walls impregnable) 
With such large favour seldom time are grae'd : 
I from the deeps have drawn this winding flood, 
Whose crescent form figures the rich encrease 
Of all that sweet Elisa holdeth dear. 
And with me came gold-breasted Ludia, 
Who daunted at your sight, lept to the shore, 



And sprinkling endless treasure on this isle, 

Left me this jewel to present your Grace, 

For him, that under you doth hold this place. 

See where her ship remains, who sillcwoven tackling 

Is turned to twigs, and threefold mast to trees, 

Receiving life from verdure of your looks ; 

(For what cannot your gracious looks effect ?) 

Yon ugly monster creeping from the South, 

To spoil these blessed fields of Albion, 

By selfsame beams is chang'd into a Snail, 

VVhose bulrush horns are not of force to hurt. 

As this Snail is, so be thine enemies. 

And never yet did Nereus wish in vain. 

That fort did Neptune raise, for your defence, 

And in this barke, which Gods hale near the shore, 

White footed Thetis sends her musick maids, 

To please Elisa's ears with harmony. 

Hear them fair Queen : and when their music ends, 

My Triton shall awake the Sylvan Gods, 

To do their homage to your Majesty." 

This oration being delivered, and withall the present whereof he 
spake, which was hidden in a purse of green rushes, cunningly 
woven together : immediately the three voices in the pinnace sang 
a song to the Lute with excellent divisions, and the end of every 
verse was replied by Lutes and voices in the other boat somewhat 
afar off, as if they had been echoes. 

The Sea Nymphs' ditty, 

" How haps that now, when prime is don, 
An other spring time is begun ? 
Our hemisphere is overrunne, 
With beauty of a second sunne." 

Echo. A second sun. 

u What second sun hath raies so bright, 
To cause this unacquainted light? 
'Tis faire Elisaes matchlesse Grace, 

Who with her beames doth blesse the place." 

Echo. Doth blesse the place. 

This song ended, Nereus commanded the five Tritons to sound. 
Then came Sylvanus with his attendants from the wood : himself 
attired from the middle downwards to the knee, in kid skins with 
the hair on, his legs, body, and face, naked but dyed over with 
saffron, and his head hooded with a goat skin, and two little horns 



over his forehead, bearing in his right hand an olive tree, and in his 
left a scutchion, whereof I spake somewhat before. His followers 
were all covered with ivy leaves, and bare in their hands bows, 
made like darts. At their approach near her Majesty, Sylvanus 
spake as followeth, and delivered up his scutchion ingraven with 
golden characters, — Nereus and his train still continuing near her 
Highness : — 

The Oration of Sylvanus. 

a Sylvanus comes from out the leafy groves, 
To honour her, whom all the world adores, 
Fair Cynthia, whom no sooner nature framed, 
And decked with fortunes, and with virtue's dower, 
But straight admiring what her skill had wrought, 
She broke the mould : that never sun might see 
The like to Albion's Queen for excellence. 

'Twas not the Tritons' air-enforcing shell 
As they perhaps would proudly make their vaunt, 
But those fair beams, that shoot from Majesty, 
Which drew our eyes to wonder at thy worth. 
That worth breeds wonder ; wonder holy fear ; 
And holy fear unfained reverence. 
Amongst the wanton days of golden age, 
Apollo playing in our pleasant shades, 
And printing oracles in every leaf, 
Let fall this sacred scutchion from his breast, 
Wherein is writ, Detur dignissima. 

0 therefore hold what heaven hath made thy right, 

1 but in duty yield desert her due." 


" But see Sylvanus where thy love doth sit." 

" My sweet Neoera was her ear so near ? 
O set my heart's delight upon this bank, 
That in compassion of old sufferance, 
She may relent in sight of beauty's Queen." 


" On this condition shall she come on shore. 
That with thy hand thou plight a solemn vow, 
Not to profane her undefiled state." 


" Here take my hand, and therewith all I vow." 

<( That water will extinguish wanton fire." 



Nereus in pronouncing this last line, did pluck Sylvanus over 
head and ears into the water, where all the Sea Gods laughing, did 
insult over him. In the meanwhile her Majesty perused the verses 
written on the scutchion 

After that the Sea Gods had sufficiently ducked Sylvanus, they 
suffered him to creep to the land, where he no sooner set footing, 
but crying Revenge, Revenge, he and his begun a skirmish with 
those of the water, the one side throwing their darts, and the other 
using their squirts, and the Tritons sounding a point of war. At 
the last Nereus parted the fray with a line or two grounded on the 
excellence of her Majesty's presence, as being always friend to 
peace, and enemy to war. Then Sylvanus with his followers re- 
tired to the woods, and Neoera, his fair love in the pinnace, pre- 
senting her Majesty a sea jewel, bearing the form of a fawn, spake 
unto her as followeth : — 

The Oration of Fair Neoera. 

9t When Neptune late bestowed on me this barke, 
And sent by me this present to your Grace : 
Thus Nereus sung, who never sings but truth. 
Thine eyes (Neoera) shall in time behold 
A sea-born Queen, worthy to govern Kings, 
On her depends the fortune of thy boat, 
If she but name it with a blissful word 
And view it with her life inspiring beams. 
Her beams yield gentle influence like fair stars, 
Her silver sounding word is prophecy. 
Speak, sacred Sybill, give some prosperous name, 
That it may dare attempt a golden fleece, 
Or dive for pearls and lay them in thy lap. 
For wind and waves, and all the world besides 
Will make her way, whom thou shalt doom to bliss, 
For what is Sybill's speech but oracle ? " 

Here her Majesty named the pinnace the " Bonadventure," and 
Neoera went on with her speech as followeth : — 

" I now Necera's barke is fortunate 
And in thy service shall employ her sail, 
And often make return to thy availe. 
O live in endless joy, with glorious fame, 
Sound trumpets, sound, in honour of her name." 

Then did Nereus retire back to his Bower with all his train fol- 
lowing him, in self same order as they came forth before, the 
Tritons sounding their trumpets one half of the way, and the 
cornets playing the other half. And here ended the second day's 



pastime, to the so great liking of Her Majesty that her gracious 
approbation thereof was to the actors more than a double reward, 
and yet withall, her Highness bestowed a largesse upon them the 
next day after before she departed. 

The Third Dafs Entertaimnent. 

On Wednesday morning, about nine of the clock, as Her Ma- 
jesty opened a casement of her gallery window, there were three 
excellent musicians, who being disguised in ancient country attire, 
did greet her with a pleasant song of Coridon and Phyllida, made 
in three parts of purpose. The song, as well for the worth of the 
ditty, as for the aptness of the note thereto applied, it pleased her 
Highness, after it had been once sung, to command it again, and 
highly to grace it with her cheerful acceptance and commendation. 

The Ploughman's Song, 

" In the merry month of May 
In a morn, by break of day, 
Forth I walked by the wood side 
Where as May was in his pride 
There I spied all alone 
Phyllida and Corydon. 
Much ado there was God wot, 
He would love, and she would not. 
She said never man was true : 
He said none was false to you. 
He said he had loved her long. 
She said love should have no wrong, 
Corydon would kiss her then : 
She said maids must kiss no men 
Till they did for good and all. 
Then she made the shepherd call 
All the heavens to witness truth, 
Never loved a truer youth. 
Thus with many a pretty oath, 
Yea and nay, and faith and troth, 
Such as silly shepherds use, 
When they will not love abuse. 
Love, which had been long deluded, 
Was with kisses sweet concluded : 
And Phyllida with garlands gay, 
Was made the lady of the May." 

The same day after dinner, about three of the clock, ten of my 
Lord of Hertford's servants, all Somersetshire men, in a souare 
green court, before Her Majesty's window, did hang up lines, 



squaring out the form of a Tennis-court and making a cross line 
in the middle. In this square they (being stripped out of their 
doublets) played five to five with the hand ball, at bord and cord, 
(as they term it) to so great liking of her Highness, that she 
graciously deigned to behold their pastime more than an hour and 
a half. 

After supper there were two delights presented unto her Ma- 
jesty : curious fire- works, and a sumptuous banquet : the first from 
the three islands in the pond, the second in a low gallery in her 
Majesty's privy garden. But I will first briefly speak of the fire- 

First there was a peal of a hundred chambers discharged from 
the Snail-mount : in counter whereof a like peal was discharged 
from the Ship-isle, and some great ordnance withall. Then there 
was a Castle of fire-works of all sorts, which played in the fort. 
Answerable to that there was in the Snail-mount, a globe of all 
manner of fire-works, as big as a barrel. When these were spent 
on either side there were many running rockets upon lines, which 
passed between the Snail-mount and the castle in the fort. On 
either side were many fire wheels, pikes of pleasure, and balls of 
wild fire, which burned in the water. 

During the time of these fire-works in the water, there was a 
banquet served all in glass and silver, into the low gallery in the 
garden, from a hill side fourteen score off, by two hundred of my 
Lord of Hertford's gentlemen, every one carrying so many dishes, 
that the whole number amounted to a thousand : and there were 
to light them on their way, a hundred torch bearers. To satisfy 
the curious, I will here set down some particulars in the banquet : — 

Her Majesty's arms in sugar-works. The funeral arms of all 
our nobility in sugar-works. Many men and women in sugar- 
works, and some inforst (?) by hand. Castles, forts, Ordinance, 
Drummers, Trumpeters, and soldiers of all sorts in sugar-works. 
Lions, Unicorns, Bears, Horses, Camels, Bolls, Rams, Dogs, 
Tigers, Elephants, Antelopes, Dromadaries, Asses, and all other 
beasts in sugar-works. Eagles, Falcons, Cranes, Bustards, Herons, 
Hawks, Bitterns, Pheasants, Partridges, Ouails, Larks, Sparrows 
Pigeons, Cocks, owls, and all that fly, in sugar-works. Snakes, 
Adders, vipers, frogs, toads, and all kinds of worms, in sugar-work. 
Mermaids, whales, dolphins, cougars, sturgeons, pike, carp, bream, 
and all sorts of fishes, in sugar-work. 

All these were standing dishes in sugar-work. The self same 
devices were also there all in flat work. Moreover these particu- 
lars following and many such like, were in flat sugar work and 
cinamon. March-paves, grapes, oisters, muscles, cockles, peri- 
winkles, crabs, lobsters, Apples, pears, and plums of all sorts. 
Preserves, suckats, jellies, leaches, marmelats, pastry, comfits, of 
all sorts. 



The Fourth Dafs Entertainment, 

On Thursday morning, Her Majesty was no sooner ready, and 
at her gallery window, looking into the garden, but there began 
three cornets to play certain fantastical dances, at the measure 
whereof the Fairy Queen came into the garden, dancing with her 
maids about her. She brought with her a garland made in form 
of an imperial crown, within the sight of her Majesty, she fixed 
upon a silver staff, and sticking the staff into the ground, spake as 
followeth : — 

The Speech of the Fairy ghieen to Her Majesty, 

" I that abide in places underground, 
Aureola, the Queen of Fairy land, 
That every night in rings of painted flowers 
Turn round, and carrolf out Elisa's name ; 
Hearing that Nereus and the sylvan gods 
Have lately welcomed your imperial grace, 
Opened the earth with this enchanting wand 
To do my duty to your Majesty. 
And humbly to salute you with this chaplet, 
Given me by Auberon, the Fairy King. 
Bright shining Phoebe, that in human shape, 
Hicrst heaven's perfection, vouchsafe t' accept it. 
And I Aureola, belov'd in heaven, 
(For amorous stars fall nightly in my lap) 
Will cause that heavens enlarge thy golden days, 
And cut them short, that envy at thy praise." 

After this speech, the Fairy Queen and her maids danced about 
the garland singing a song of six part, with the music of an excel- 
lent concert, wherein was the lute, Bandora, Base, viol, citterne, 
treble, viol, and flute, and this was the Fairies' song : — 

" Elisa is the fairest Queen, 
That ever trod upon this green, 
Elisa's eyes are blessed stars, 
Inducing peace, subduing wars. 
Elisa's hand is cristal bright, 
Her words are balm, her looks are light. 
Elisa's breast is that fair hill 
Where virtue dwells, and sacred skill, 
O blessed be each day and hour, 
Where sweet Elisa builds her bower." 

This spectacle and music so delighted her Majesty that she 
desired to see and hear it twice over, and then dismissed the actors 



with thanks, and with a gracious largess, which of her exceeding 
goodness she bestowed upon them. 

Within an hour after, Her Majesty departed, with her nobles, 
from Elvetham. On the one side of her way as she passed through 
the park, there was placed, sitting on the pond side, Nereus and all 
the sea gods in their former attire : on her left hand, Sylvanus and 
his company : in the way before her the three Graces, and the 
three Hours : all of them on every side wringing their hands and 
showing sign of sorrow for her departure. While she beheld this 
dumb show, the Poet made her a short oration as followeth • — 

The PoeVs Speech at her Majesty's Departure. 

" O see, sweet Cynthia, how the watery gods, 
Which joyed of late to view thy glorious beams, 
At this retire do wail and wring their hands, 
Distilling from their eyes salt showers of tears, 
To bring in winter with their wet lament. 
For how can summer stay, when sun departs ? 
See where Sylvanus sits, and sadly mourns, 
To think that autumn with his withered wings 
Will bring in tempest, when thy beams are hence : 
For how can summer stay when sun departs ? 
See where those Graces and those Hours of heaven, 
Which at thy coming sung triumphal songs, 
And smoothed the way, and strew'd it with sweet flowers, 
Now, if they durst, would stop it with green boughs, 
Lest, by thine absence, the year's pride decay : 
For how can summer stay when sun departs ? 
Leaves fall, grass dies, beasts of the wood hang head, 
Birds cease to si